Suchergebnisse

Manners defines "normative power" as "the ability to define what passes for "normal" in world politics. This article examines to what extent the EU acts as a normative power in its trade policy by applying Manner's tripartite analytical approach. According to Manners, a normative power perspective attempts to understand the ideational aspects of the Union's international role by studying its (changing) principles, actions and impact in world politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates why the EU's representation in formal and informal international institutions still varies so widely. It draws on a number of case studies and, by analyzing their findings in a comparative manner, makes this fragmented representation visible. It argues that institutional rules relating to both the EU and the international fora need to be considered to explain this patchwork. The weaker its legal competences and internal coordination mechanisms, and the stricter and less equal the rules of participation in international institutions, the greater the EU's inability to 'speak with one voice'. The plausibility of this claim is illustrated by various examples selected from different issue areas and international institutions of global importance. Adapted from the source document.

Even though the number of summits of heads of state & government has steadily increased since World War II, political science has so far mainly ignored them. Based on the American-Soviet superpower summits, the world economic summits, & the world conferences under the auspices of the United Nations, this article shows that the three mainstream theories of international relations -- neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism & constructivism offer adequate explanations for those summits which fall into their historical context of emergence. The cooperation of states at the highest level & the theories about them are thus "children of their time". 3 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

Economic theory of integration expects small states & highly industrialized states to be more likely to integrate than larger or less advanced countries. Why then, did Norway, Sweden, & Switzerland choose for a long time not to join the EU? Existing political economy approaches cannot fully explain this stubbornness because they neglect the "hidden" impact of national identities. Constructivist approaches, in turn, offer insights on identity-related variables but fail to assess tangible benefits. This article argues that economic incentives for EU membership coexist with & are often dominated by domestic & geohistorical constraints. Hence, both material interests & ideational factors are necessary to explain reluctant integration policies. 2 Tables, 60 References. Adapted from the source document.

Nontariff barriers to trade, & in particular standards, have considerably gained in importance in global trade policy over the past few years. This article explores to what extent the World Trade Organization (WTO) goes beyond negative, market-creating integration in its dealings with standards as a form of positive, market-correcting integration & what the consequences are. The WTO does not set its own standards but "imports" standards of other international bodies & treaties either through reference in its agreements or through its dispute settlement rulings. In this new form of networked governance, the WTO member states may generally apply their national product standards to imported goods, but not their regulations of process & production methods. This "double standard" is a corollary of the WTO's institutional structure & the conflicting interests of its member states, & it is likely to remain for the foreseeable future. 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

At the round table "Quo vadis, G8?" scientists discuss the past, presence & future of the G8 ("Group of 8"). Before the summit in Heiligendamm in June 2007 under German presidency they are analyzing the representativeness, legitimacy, effectiveness & efficiency of this self-appointed "world government.". Adapted from the source document.

This symposium considers Europe's global social policy through an exchange of ideas between scholars with different areas of expertise. The lead article provides an overview of the EU's objectives and instruments in promoting the social dimension of globalization, illustrating its focus on international labour standards and the International Labour Organization (ILO), and the shift from trade measures to a broader spectrum of soft external policy instruments. More specifically, we analyse the horizontal and vertical coherence of the EU's international social policies. The three other contributions to this symposium elaborate on this distinction by examining the social dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, the `uploading' of the EU social model in the ILO, and the EU's promotion of corporate social responsibility in the world. These accounts suggest that market-enhancing goals often take priority over social objectives, and that the EU can at best be seen as a regional social power. In addition, the contributions point to the limitations of an ambitious EU role in this area.