Suchergebnisse

Building upon critical debates on network governance in policy making and complementary debates on corporate social responsibility in Mexican mining, a study of the municipality of Cananea and the Sonora River region of Mexico indicates that the (mis)management of information and implementation of participatory mechanisms produced administrative domination in the relationships between government authorities and the mining corporation. Gramscian understandings of hegemony have limitations when dealing with decentered relations beyond state actors. Therefore, Foucauldian concepts of governmentality are useful to complement understandings of power relations in governance arrangements. A partir de los debates críticos sobre la gobernanza de redes en la formulación de políticas y debates complementarios sobre la responsabilidad social corporativa en la minería mexicana, un estudio en torno al municipio de Cananea y la región del río Sonora, en territorio mexicano, argumenta que el (mal) manejo de la información y la implementación de mecanismos participativos produjeron dominación administrativa en las relaciones entre las autoridades gubernamentales y la corporación minera. Las interpretaciones gramscianas de la hegemonía se topan con limitantes cuando se trata de relaciones descentradas que van más allá de los actores estatales. Por lo tanto, los conceptos foucaultianos de la gubernamentalidad son útiles para complementar la comprensión de las relaciones de poder en los acuerdos de gobernanza.

AbstractThe analysis of urban governance in terms of networks, as developed in the UK by scholars including Rhodes and Stoker, can be applied to a context such as Mexico if due weight is given to macro‐level processes. In this article, careful attention is paid to the institutional legacies of Mexico's past authoritarian regime and how they are challenged by a new discourse of neoliberalization, decentralization and democratization. Corporatism, social segmentation and organizational fragmentation in the past have resulted in the continuing importance of hierarchical modes of governance alongside networks. Case studies of the public–private partnerships involved in the regeneration of the historic centres of Querétaro and San Luis Potosí show that new forms of governance entail a mix of continuity and change. Regeneration partnerships were initiated and largely funded by the local state, with the state retaining considerable power. Most of the non‐state participants were drawn from the old aristocracy and business and professional organizations, whilst the increasingly autonomous groups of street traders and 'ordinary' citizens concerned with the life in the city centre were excluded. Nevertheless, new discourses challenge the institutional legacies of the past, encouraging institutional change.RésuméL'analyse de la gouvernance urbaine en termes de réseaux, telle que des chercheurs comme Rhodes et Stoker la présentent au Royaume‐Uni, est applicable au contexte mexicain si on pondère correctement les macro‐processus. Une attention particulière est accordée ici aux héritages institutionnels du régime autoritaire qu'a connu le Mexique, et à la façon dont ils sont remis en cause par un discours nouveau de néolibéralisation, décentralisation et démocratisation. Dans le passé, corporatisme, segmentation sociale et fragmentation des organisations ont donné une importance constante aux modes de gouvernance hiérarchisés en parallèle aux réseaux. D'après des études de cas de partenariats public‐privé portant sur des projets de régénération des centres historiques de Querétaro et de San Luis Potosí, de nouvelles formes de gouvernance génèrent un mélange de continuité et de changement. Les partenariats liés à la régénération de quartiers ont été lancés et en grande partie financés par l'État local, l'État gardant une emprise considérable. Hormis l'État, les participants étaient issus, par la plupart, de la vieille aristocratie, ainsi que des milieux commerciaux et professionnels, alors qu'étaient exclus les groupes de plus en plus autonomes des marchands ambulants et des citoyens 'ordinaires' concernés par la vie dans le centre‐ville. Néanmoins les nouveaux discours, qui remettent en question les héritages institutionnels du passé, encouragent à une évolution des institutions.

The article builds an analytical framework to study the relation between security and informality and the extent to which it contributes to producing hegemony in local politics. By emphasizing a processual understanding of hegemony, the article develops a twofold argument: (1) structurally powerful actors with well‐established links to state institutions carry out informal practices just as well as those often perceived to be at the 'margins' of the state; and (2) subaltern groups are capable of transforming their society while also inadvertently reproducing hegemonic security practices. The analytical framework is unpacked through two Mexican cases: the Coordinadora Regional de Autoridades Comunitarias – Policia Comunitaria (CRAC‐PC) in Guerrero State and neighbourhood vigilantism in Oaxaca City. The CRAC‐PC case shows that procedures in which hegemony is challenged involve actors resorting to state institutions (law, judiciary) coupled by paralegal institutions that enhance placemaking of rural indigenous communities. The Oaxacan case shows how communities challenge state actors through a series of practices that bring people together into networks that put into question the hegemonic organization of in/security at city level. The analytical framework helps to break the dichotomization of formality and informality and to clarify how informality is practised in struggles both for and against hegemony.

Using the case of Cardiff, Wales, we argue that the hybridisation of local governance forms is exacerbated by the downscaling and offloading of austerity politics. Conceptualising hybridity as a process which operates across governmental scales, at the organisational and at the individual level helps understand the growing complexities of local governance under austerity and the tensions which arise in seeking to assemble locally appropriate ideas and practices. Conceptualising hybridity as practice, we consider how 'hybrid officers' at the frontline experience austerity, their situated agency, and the implications for higher levels of governance.