Suchergebnisse

The downloaded file is the introduction to the book, reproduced with kind permission of PM Press. The book was edited by David Berry and translated by Mitchell Abidor and includes a 13,000 word introduction by the editor, 'The search for a libertarian communism: Daniel Guérin and the 'synthesis' of Marxism and anarchism'. ; In this collection, written between the 1950s and 1980s and published for the first time in English, Guerin not only provides a critique of the socialist and communist parties of his day, he analyses some of the most fundamental and pressing questions with which all radicals must engage. He does this by revisiting and attempting to draw lessons from the history of the revolutionary movement from the French Revolution, through the conflicts between anarchists and Marxists in the International Workingmen's Association and the Russian and Spanish revolutions, to the social revolution of 1968.

This study endeavors to elucidate the nature of the cultural form of nationalism flourishing in some advanced industrial countries. We perform this task by estimating a LISREL model aiming at identifying the structure of values & attitudes explaining the nationalist identity in two economically advanced regions of Spain, the Basque Country & Catalonia. We found empirical evidence showing the existence of a form of cultural nationalism whose proponents adhere to a set of liberal values, notably, political tolerance. Our findings point strongly to the emergence of a form of liberal nationalist identity, a phenomenon that departs markedly from the politically reactionary forms of rightist nationalism, which are nurtured by intolerance. Moreover, these results support the cultural nationalism theory, which differs significantly from the explanations derived from the modernization theory & from the model assuming a dichotomy between civic & ethnic nationalism. This study is the first demonstration that the reconciliation of liberalism & nationalism is empirically founded in at least two important cases of cultural nationalisms. 2 Tables, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Does the presence of new social movements (NSM) represent a challenge for established political parties? An attempt is made to answer this question by considering the organizational challenge from the standpoint of the motivations to adhere to a social movement or to a political party that is at the root of every organization, & of the conception of the members' own organization. This study is based on interviews conducted with approximately 40 male & female activists from two NSM (environmental & women groups) along with both major political parties in Quebec. This research shows that there are two diverging visions, one that is targeted on a unique cause in the NSM, & the other more encompassing in the parties. These two visions appear irreconcilable, especially since each group displays a certain degree of skepticism toward the political actions of the other. Furthermore, the parties' hierarchical & centralized organization strongly contrasts with the flexible & simple structures that characterize the NSM. Nevertheless, rather than addressing the challenge & opposition between the two, we suggest to view them as complementary. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the role of postmaterialism in the Quebecois Party & the Liberal Party, drawing on data from two mail surveys conducted 1993/94 (N = 563 & 694, respectively). An evaluation of the values of local leaders assessed the material & postmaterial profile of candidates, environmental roles of women & minorities, & redistribution of wealth. It is concluded that the two parties are distinguished by the proportion of incorporated postmaterialists & materialists. The Quebecois Party is identified as the party of desired change, representing the young generations & postmaterialist views, compared to the leaders & voters of the Liberal Party. 7 Tables, 1 Graph, 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

Based on survey evidence in 13 postcommunist countries of Central & Eastern Europe, we show that citizens who engage in protest activities are more tolerant than those who do not take part in such activities. We argue that these 'protesters' have the potential to play a pivotal role in the democratic consolidation process currently under way in postcommunist countries. Our findings are compatible with earlier results that suggest that the remaking of political culture, in societies where radical social & political changes have been taking place, might be accomplished through concrete experience with the democratic process rather than through adherence to abstract democratic norms. 7 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, we examine the Turkish case for populism that was applied since the establishment of the multiparty regime on 1950. The originality of the Turkish case resides in two facts. (1) Populist policies were implemented by conservative center-Right governments rather than by Left governments as in some Latin American countries. Based on patron-client relations as a dominant characteristic of the rural social structure, these parties organized themselves as patronage networks. These party organizations can be characterized as machine-parties rather than as parties with coherent ideologies & national programs. Thus, they distributed to their clients the resources obtained more or less easily from foreign suppliers during the Cold War, due to Turkey's geostrategic importance as a NATO member. (2) It entails a vicious circle provoked by these populist policies manifest in a cycle of populist policies/crisis/military intervention/austerity measures. However, with the end of the Cold War period & the beginning of the globalization era, it became harder for Turkish governments to obtain long-term foreign debt in terms of multilateral agreements to carry out their populist policies. As a result, these resources were replaced by short-term, high-cost capital inflows. These inflows paradoxically facilitated the implementation of populist policies &, at the same time, worsened already severe consequences. As a result, sociopolitical tensions created by these severe conditions triggered the rise of radical movements such as political Islam & ultranationalism. Adapted from the source document.