Suchergebnisse

«Allanar la voluntad. Delimitación de la intimidación como medio coactivo en los delitos sexuales» es una investigación tendiente a precisar un concepto al que frecuentemente recurren los legisladores penales para describir conductas coactivas. Si bien la investigación se desarrolla en torno al concepto de intimidación en los delitos sexuales una de las conclusiones del trabajo es que las propuestas que en él se formulan permiten una interpretación transversal a todos los tipos donde se recurre a dicho medio coactivo. La propuesta desarrollada en este trabajo consiste en recurrir a institutos de la parte general y más precisamente de la teoría de la imputación jurídico penal como herramientas de interpretación de la intimidación en la parte especial. En definitiva, se propone usufructuar el profundo desarrollo dogmático de la teoría del delito -autoría mediata, imputación objetiva y situaciones de necesidad- para determinar un elemento del tipo objetivo de varios delitos de la parte especial. ; «To overcome will. Definition of intimidation as a means of coercion on sexual offenses» is the result of a research aimed to specify the concept of intimidation, which is frequently used by legislators on criminal law to describe coercive conducts. Although the research is developed in relation to the concept of intimidation on sexual offenses, one of the reached conclusions is that the drawn proposals regarding those offenses are, at the same time, applicable to all criminal offenses that resort to that element as a means of coercion. The developed proposal consists of resorting to the general principles of criminal law doctrine, more precisely to the theory of criminal imputation, as resources for the interpretation of intimidation as a common element of the different criminal offenses that include such means of causation. In one word, the main proposal of this research is to use the profound dogmatic development of the theory of crime -the indirect or mediate perpetrator doctrine, the objective imputation or causation ...

The objective of this paper is to analyze the external sector on Cuban tobacco from the export demand perspective towards the euro area. A tobacco-specific exchange rate is built to better capture the distinctions of this sector when competing overseas. We apply cointegration in the Fully-Modified Ordinary Least Squares framework and complement an error correction mechanism. It is found that both long and short-run estimates of exchange rate elasticities are significantly inelastic but present, at the same time, a high degree of stability. This means that prices become a fundamental control variable for economic policy purposes. Moreover, there is statistical evidence that income elasticity plays a significant role in the determination of exports growth for Cuban tobacco.

De las catacumbas al poder todos sabían -- La banalidad del mal, la inteligencia del poder -- La amenaza de los otros -- Los frustrados trueques Bánzer -- Pinochet -- La guerra contra el Washington Post y Radio Moscú -- Todos contra Serrat, todos contra Illapu -- Colonia Dignidad, auge y caída -- Transición pactada -- Réquiem y obertura

Context Land cover change is a global multi-scale process affecting ecosystems, with potential implications for ecological processes and for the biological communities that support them. Land cover changes are especially relevant for protected areas where long-term ecosystem stability is a critical aspect of protecting and maintaining high levels of biodiversity and ecosystem functions. Objectives To understand the extent of land cover change impact on global ecosystem stability of protected areas across time and space. Methods Here we analysed 23 years of global spatial and temporal distribution of land cover change its occurrence within protected areas. We investigated whether higher land cover change rates occurred inside or outside protected areas, identified the main type of changes, and their distribution by UN region. Results Our results show that from 1992 to 2015, 4.89% of the world's land surface changed from one land cover to another, with 97.9% of this change persisting until the end of the time period. We found that regions with higher land cover change, tend to have a higher incidence of change close to protected areas, suggesting a spillover effect on these areas. Also, the proportion of change inside and outside protected areas varied considerably across UN Regions. Conclusions Our results suggest that to reach current global conservation targets, it is not enough to increase the targets of protected area coverage. Instead, governments and conservation management agencies should account for regional specificities, and pay attention to the territories surrounding protected areas to develop strategies to reduce spillover effects.

Actualizado en abril de 2021 ; Using Facebook's release in a given language as an exogenous source of variation in access to social media where the language is spoken, we show that Facebook has had a significant and sizable positive impact on citizen protests. By exploiting variation in a large sample of countries during close to 15 years and combining both aggregate and individual-level data, we confirm the external validity of previous research documenting this effect for specific contexts along a number of dimensions: geographically, by regime type, temporally, and by the socioeconomic characteristics of both countries and social media users. We find that \coordination" effects that rest on the \social" nature of social media play an important role beyond one-way information transmission, including a \liberation effect" produced by having a direct outlet to voice opinions and share them with others. Finally, we explore the broader political consequences of increased Facebook access, helping assess the welfare consequences of the increase in protests. On the negative side, we find no effects on regime change, democratization or governance. To explain this result, we show there are no effects on other political engagements, especially during critical periods, and that social media access also helps mobilize citizens against opposition groups, especially in less democratic areas. On the positive side, we find that Facebook access decreases internal con ict, with evidence that this re ects increased visibility deterring violence and that social media and the resulting protests help voice discontents that might otherwise turn more violent.

En la era de la globalización, el tema de los derechos humanos auspiciados por las fuerzas políticas democráticas, organizaciones de la sociedad, instituciones públicas nacionales e internacionales y por grupos involucrados en todo el mundo, ha cobrado cada vez mayor importancia en el ámbito de las relaciones sociales locales, regionales, nacionales y mundiales. El planteamiento de los derechos humanos surgidos principalmente de las luchas libertarias de los pueblos del mundo, se enmarcan en el contexto social, económico, político y cultural de lo que los grupos dominantes de la sociedad occidental con todo y sus desequilibrios y contradicciones acepta. En ese marco se ubica la discusión sobre la situación y perspectiva de la autonomía indígena y poder local como manifestaciones de los derechos de los pueblos indios en México.

RESUMEN: En esta investigación exploramos el efecto de la competencia política sobre la provisión local de bienes públicos en tres países: Brasil, Colombia y México para el período 1991-2010 usando datos municipales. Estos tres países comparten características que hacen el análisis comparativo especialmente útil en la comprensión del papel jugado por las estructuras de gobierno, las cuales incluyen el grado de descentralización económica y política. Basado en un enfoque multidimensional de la competencia política y destacando el papel de las elecciones de congreso, establecemos el efecto que ejercen diversas medidas de competencia política, basadas en las elecciones de cámara de representantes, sobre indicadores de educación primaria, sanidad y mortalidad infantil. Encontramos que Brasil exhibe la elasticidad más alta y con signos esperados en la provisión de los bienes públicos ante la mayoría de medidas de competencia política, mientras que México muestra una fuerte conexión entre estas medidas y todos los bienes públicos aunque con efectos negativos de la tasa de participación y volatilidad electoral. Colombia es el país que más baja respuesta presenta, excepto por mortalidad infantil. Atribuimos estas diferencias a las influencias provenientes de la rendición de cuentas y la disciplina de los partidos. ; ABSTARCT: We explore the effect of political competition on the local provision of public goods in three countries: Brazil, Colombia and Mexico from 1991 to 2010 using municipal data. These countries share characteristics that make a comparative analysis useful in understanding the role of governance structures, which include the degree of fiscal and political decentralization. Based on a multidimensional approach of political competition and bringing to the fore the role of congressional elections, we establish the effect of several measures of political competition based on lower chamber elections on indicators of primary education, sanitation and infant mortality. We find that Brazil displays the highest elasticity with expected signs in several public goods to most measures of political competition, while Mexico shows strong connection of political competition indicators to all public goods but negative effects of voter turnout and electoral volatility; Colombia is the least responsive except for infant mortality. These differences are attributed to influences stemming from local accountability and party discipline.

Development outcomes come in `clusters' that seem difficult to exit. Using original data from Colombia, we present evidence of the interconnection between two critical political components: state weakness and clientelism. State weakness creates the right environment for clientelism to ourish. Clientelism sets in place a structure of incentives for politicians and citizens that is detrimental to building state capacity. We show that vote buying, as a measure of clientelism, and tax evasion, as a measure of state weakness, are highly correlated at the individual level. We also report evidence that both practices are widely accepted in society, a result consistent with a deeply entrenched relationship of mutually reinforcing in uences. Finally, we propose a set of mechanisms that underlie the hypothesis that a weak state and widespread clientelism are part of a political equilibrium with multiple feedback loops. Our results suggest that state weakness is a trap that is likely hard to exit.

Exchanging one's vote for particularistic benefits - practices usually grouped under 'clientelism' - is often thought to weaken programmatic links between citizens and politicians and disincentivize public good provision, as well as undermine voter autonomy and the ideal role of elections. However, empirically analyzing this key phenomenon for the working of democracies entails formidable challenges. We conduct list experiments on a large sample of households to estimate the incidence of clientelistic vote buying, as well as the extent to which respondents refrain from openly recognizing this behavior. Nearly one out of every five respondents engage in clientelism and, surprisingly, they do not feel ashamed to admit it. Using the literature to guide our analysis, we examine the robust correlates of clientelism, finding that vote buying increases with poverty, reciprocity, disregard for the rule of law and, challenging several theories, interest in politics. ; Con frecuencia se argumenta que intercambiar el voto por beneficios particulares - practicas usualmente agrupadas como 'clientelismo' - debilita los vínculos programáticos entre ciudadanos y políticos y desincentiva la provisión de bienes públicos para el bienestar general, además de atentar contra la autonomía del elector y el papel ideal de las elecciones. Sin embargo, es difícil analizar empíricamente este crucial comportamiento para la democracia. Para superar este reto, aplicamos experimentos de lista a una muestra grande de hogares para estimar la incidencia de la venta de votos y calcular qué tanto los encuestados se abstienen de reconocer abiertamente este comportamiento. Casi uno de cada cinco encuestados se involucra en el clientelismo y, sorprendentemente, no se sienten avergonzados de admitirlo. Usando la literatura existente como guía, examinamos la incidencia y correlaciones más sobresalientes del clientelismo, encontrando que la compra de votos aumenta con la pobreza, la reciprocidad, el desconocimiento del imperio de la ley y, desafiando varias teorías, el interés por la política.