Suchergebnisse

This text sheds light on the experiences of ordinary Cubans in the unseating of the dictator Fulgencio Batista. The work fills a significant gap in historical and political literature, illuminating how Cuba's electoral democracy underwent a tumultuous transformation into a military dictatorship. The author draws on years of research in newly opened archives and on personal interviews to shed light on the men and women of Cuba who participated in mass mobilization and civic activism to establish social movements in their quest for social and racial justice and for more accountable leadership. Driven by a sense of duty toward la patria (the fatherland) and their dedication to heroism and martyrdom, these citizens built a powerful underground revolutionary culture that shaped and witnessed the overthrow of Batista in the late 1950s.

Abstract
At a time when Cuban immigrants are seeking political asylum at historically unprecedented rates, most press and scholarly accounts consistently mirror earlier portrayals of Cubans' mass exodus from the island in one key aspect: they ascribe to refugees a primarily economic reason for their decision to leave and offer little discussion of political factors. To illuminate the need for such analysis, this article examines the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, when approximately 125,000 Cubans, most of them thirty years old or younger, left Cuba. No other exodus of Cubans was more demonized than the Mariel, both by Cuba's supporters and leadership and by exile opponents of the communist state. Exploring how the intensification of ideological criteria for inclusion in the Cuban Revolution undermined the quality of Cubans' liberation under socialism prior to Mariel, this article explores state policies and the deep politicization of everyday life and identity. Key political factors explain many young people's alienation and the degree to which the Cuban state sanctioned and directed extreme measures of repression to discredit those who wanted to leave as lazy, sexually degenerate escoria (human trash).

Cuba and Puerto Rico are the Latin American societies whose histories are most intimately connected with the political development of the United States as an imperial super power in the twentieth century. When the United States invaded both islands in 1898, they not only became central to the growth of economic control of the region by the United States, but the events of 1898 forever transformed political destinies and national identity. of the three companies. After 1898, imperial expansion did not notably improve the economic conditions of the lower classes in the United States, but it did provide a kind of ideological adherence through racialized and gender power that millions of European immigrants with little in common shared in celebrations of imperial whiteness in America ; Cuba y Puerto Rico son las sociedades de Latinoamerica cuyas historias están más íntimamente conectadas con el desarrollo político de los Estados Unidos como un super poder imperial en el siglo veinte. Cuando los Estados Unidos invadieron ambas islas en 1898, ellas no solo se volvieron fundamentales para el crecimiento del control económico en la región por parte de EE. UU, sino que también los hechos ocurridos en 1898 transformaron para siempre los destinos políticos y la identidad nacional de las tres sociedades. Después de 1898, la expansión imperial no mejoró notablemente las condiciones económicas de las clases bajas en los Estados Unidos, pero sí proporcionó una especie de adherencia ideológica a través de un poder racializado y de género que millones de inmigrantes europeos con poco en común compartieron en las celebraciones sobre la blancura imperial en EE. UU.

Este artículo examina un proyecto de historia oral entre ex-residentes de barriadas habaneras, que los antropólogos estadounidenses Oscar y Ruth Lewis dirigieron desde 1969 hasta 1971 en Buena Ventura (seudónimo), un reparto de viviendas nuevas creadas luego de la Revolución. Este trabajo revela el interés del gobierno cubano en aprovechar la obra de Oscar Lewis para vigilar y evaluar ideológicamente a los más empobrecidos e, irónicamente, menos políticamente activos y agradecidos ciudadanos, y también a los Lewis mismos. Indagando sobre el efecto que la visión política y la misión de inteligencia de los Jóvenes Comunistas pudieron haber tenido sobre sus conversaciones con los ex-residentes de barriadas, este estudio demuestra como ciudadanos rehusaron esfuerzos estatales por imponer la narrativa de inclusión harmónica y empoderamiento de la Revolución sobre su experiencia e identidad, creativa y consistentemente replicando las formulas centralizadas, verticales y, muchas veces, racistas, que adoptaba el estado en la vida cotidiana por liberar a los cubanos.