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Based on two unique survey studies of elites in Norway, this book examines whether elite attitudes towards central national issues have changed in the wake of international and national events and developments since 2000. The chapters examine elite integration and relations between elites and citizens in Norway as a means to discuss the continued viability of the Nordic welfare state model. This insight into how elites relate to central issues in Norwegian society and how they look upon citizens' political interest and competence in general, will be of interest toacademics within sociology and political science, as well as journalists and commentators and policy makers.

How can the existence of elites be compatible with democratic governance? Any democratic society is inevitably confronted by this basic question. This book reviews existing research on elites and their interactions with those around them. How the recruitment to elites changes in the long run according to class and gender is one of the core themes of the present volume. Other topics explored include the relationship between elites and the population, collective action and elite cohesion, and elites and democracy. The approach is multinational, with examples provided from countries around the world. This is a valuable book for social science students and researchers of many disciplines, including sociology, political science and psychology. It offers a review on historical and current research on elites in society and includes an extensive discussion of class and gender. Examples from countries in different parts of the world allow for international insights.

Little is known about the links between the business sector and civil society in Norway. To address the lack of knowledge, this study focused on members of the business elite who are elected representatives in voluntary organizations. Information about these representatives was obtained from a national survey of Norwegian elites and used to examine to what extent voluntary organizations are integrated into the business community's network of institutions and organizations outside the corporate world. The analyses demonstrate that voluntary organizations are well placed within this network. Moreover, business leaders who are elected representatives are well-connected. Several of them serve on state boards and have frequent contact with politicians and state administrators. Business leaders who have experienced pronounced social mobility seem to be more attracted to being involved in the governance of voluntary organizations than their colleagues with a more privileged background.

Little is known about the links between the business sector and civil society in Norway. To address the lack of knowledge, this study focused on members of the business elite who are elected representatives in voluntary organizations. Information about these representatives was obtained from a national survey of Norwegian elites and used to examine to what extent voluntary organizations are integrated into the business community's network of institutions and organizations outside the corporate world. The analyses demonstrate that voluntary organizations are well placed within this network. Moreover, business leaders who are elected representatives are well-connected. Several of them serve on state boards and have frequent contact with politicians and state administrators. Business leaders who have experienced pronounced social mobility seem to be more attracted to being involved in the governance of voluntary organizations than their colleagues with a more privileged background.

In contrast to many other Western countries the Nordic countries, including Norway, have managed to uphold fairly high levels of employment and welfare states offering the citizens universal and relatively generous economic benefits. Moreover, the Nordic countries have industrial relations characterized by close cooperation between the main partners in the labor market. To a large extent the Norwegian version of the Nordic welfare state model rests on historical elite compromises forged between leaders of various class and interest organizations or movements. In general, there is (still) considerable support for the Norwegian welfare state model among the Norwegian elites. This is manifested by a widespread backing of more or at least the same level of spending on various important welfare programs. Such support is also demonstrated by an extensive endorsement of the collaborative system of industrial relations. The stability of the Norwegian version of the Nordic model is a result of a specific combination of facilitating conditions: A strong labor movement, a unique system of wage determination, institutional complementarity between this system and welfare state services and benefits, an influential profession of economists, a historically uncorrupt and efficient civil service, a strong rural counter-culture, and widespread egalitarian values.

Elite integration has been a central topic within research an elites. In this paper, theoretical ideas about factors behind elite cohesion are discussed and empirically tested. The analyses presented in the paper Show that ideological integration is strongest in elite groups where the share of members with upper/upper middle class origin is highest. This finding is valid whether the elite groups are located to the left or to the right in the political landscape. Various explanations of the finding are discussed.

"Elite integration has been a central topic within research an elites. In this paper, theoretical ideas about factors behind elite cohesion are discussed and empirically tested. The analyses presented in the paper Show that ideological integration is strongest in elite groups where the share of members with upper/upper middle class origin is highest. This finding is valid whether the elite groups are located to the left or to the right in the political landscape. Various explanations of the finding are discussed." (author's abstract)

In this article an examination is made of the extent to which employees in family businesses are members of unions compared to workers in non-family businesses and of the extent to which owners collaborate with trade unions. The analyses demonstrate that the percentage of union members in family businesses with a family CEO (owner-management), controlling for other factors, is significantly lower than in family businesses with CEOs who are not related or in non-family businesses. Theoretically, there are two possible explanations for this finding. The workers may abstain from joining a union because they are unwilling to bear the brunt of opposing an authoritarian owner-manager. Or, alternatively, the owner-manager may treat the employees so well that they see no need for a trade union. The analyses indicate that lower union density in owner-managed enterprises is associated with a higher wage level. This result lends support to the second explanation.

How can the existence of elites be compatible with democratic governance? Any democratic society is inevitably confronted by this basic question.This book reviews existing research on elites and their interactions with those around them. How the recruitment to elites changes in the long run according to class and gender is one of the core themes of the present volume. Other topics explored include the relationship between elites and the population, collective action and elite cohesion, and elites and democracy.The approach is multinational, with examples provided from countries around the worl