Suchergebnisse

Why history remains a factor in the search for racial equality / Earl Lewis -- The evolving language of diversity and integration in discussion of affirmative action from Bakke to Grutter / Jeffrey S. Lehman -- The educational value of diversity / Patricia Gurin [and others] -- Afterword / Mary Sue Coleman

Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Blacks and Electoral and Party Politics: A Historical Overview -- Chapter 2. The Political Motivation and Resources of the Black Electorate -- Chapter 3. Separate Themes: Support for Jesse Jackson and Advocacy of a Black Political Voice -- Chapter 4. Supporters of Jesse Jackson: Their Solidarity and Their Political Outlooks -- Chapter 5. Advocates of a Black Political Voice: The Powerless Seeking to Be Heard -- Chapter 6. Social Class, Black Solidarity, and Politics -- Chapter 7. Basic Themes in Black Politics

Four dimensions of group consciousness that figure prominently in relative deprivation & resource mobilization/solidarity theories of social movements were measured in 3 national cross-section sample surveys during the 1970s by the Instit for Social Research. These dimensions -- identification, discontent, withdrawal of legitimacy, & collective orientation -- were applied to the gender consciousness of women. In all but one dimension, women's gender consciousness was comparatively weak. It was not as pronounced as the group consciousness of other subordinate categories, nor was it demonstrated to be distinctly subordinate because men expressed similar views. A structural interpretation of this comparative weakness is offered. Women did become more group conscious between 1972 & 1983, particularly with regard to discontent about the relative political power of men & women, & their views about the legitimacy of gender disparities. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 37 References. AA

Over the past fifteen years, a New Black Politics has swept black candidates into office and registered black voters in numbers unimaginable since the days of Reconstruction. Based on interviews with a representative sample of nearly 1,000 voting-age black Americans, Hope and Independence explores blacks' attitudes toward electoral and party politics and toward Jesse Jackson's first presidential bid. Viewed in the light of black political history, the survey reveals enduring themes of hope (for eventual inclusion in traditional politics, despite repeated disappointments) and independence (a strategy of operating outside conventional political institutions in order to achieve incorporation). The authors describe a black electorate that is less alienated than many have suggested. Blacks are more politically engaged than whites with comparable levels of education. And despite growing economic inequality in the black community, the authors find no serious class-based political cleavage. Underlying the widespread support for Jackson among blacks, a distinction emerges between "common fate" solidarity, which is pro-black, committed to internal criticism of the Democratic party, and conscious of commonality with other disadvantaged groups, and "exclusivist" solidarity, which is pro-black but also hostile to whites and less empathetic to other minorities. This second, more divisive type of solidarity expresses itself in the desire for a separate black party or a vote black strategy--but its proponents constitute a small minority of the black electorate and show surprisingly hopeful attitudes toward the Democratic party. Hope and Independence will be welcomed by readers concerned with opinion research, the sociology of race, and the psychology of group consciousness. By probing the attitudes of individual blacks in the context of a watershed campaign, this book also makes a vital contribution to our grasp of current electoral politics

Group inequalities in the United States are most often attributed to the characteristics of the individuals who belong to these groups; thinking about structural causes of group inequalities is rare. This paper reviews cognitive, cultural, and systemic reasons for this bias. The efficacy of education as a way to increase structural thinking was investigated in two studies of college students' causal thinking about group inequalities. Both studies involved a course on intergroup relations that covered structural sources of racial or ethnic inequalities. Results supported hypotheses that the course would increase structural thinking about racial or ethnic inequality, and that structural thinking would generalize to inequalities not explicitly covered in the course. Both course content and active learning pedagogy were related to structural thinking about inequalities. Active learning was also related to applying structural thinking to targets of change.