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This important text offers a full and detailed account of how to use discourse analysis to study foreign policy. It provides a poststructuralist theory of the relationship between identity and foreign policy and an in-depth discussion of the methodology of discourse analysis

"This text offers a full and detailed account of how to use discourse analysis to study foreign policy. It provides a poststructuralist theory of the relationship between identity and foreign policy and an in-depth discussion of the methodology of discourse analysis."--Jacket

This article introduces international icons to the field of International Relations. International icons are freestanding images that are widely circulated, recognised, and emotionally responded to. International icons come in the form of foreign policy icons familiar to a specific domestic audience, regional icons, and global icons. Icons do not speak foreign policy in and of themselves rather their meaning is constituted in discourse. Images rise to the status of international icons in part through images that appropriate the icon itself, either in full or through inserting parts of the icon into new images. Appropriations might be used and read as critical interventions into foreign policy debates, but such readings should themselves be subjected to analysis. A three-tier analytical and methodological framework for studying international icons is presented and applied in a case study of the hooded prisoner widely claimed to be emblematic of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article introduces international icons to the field of International Relations. International icons are freestanding images that are widely circulated, recognised, and emotionally responded to. International icons come in the form of foreign policy icons familiar to a specific domestic audience, regional icons, and global icons. Icons do not speak foreign policy in and of themselves rather their meaning is constituted in discourse. Images rise to the status of international icons in part through images that appropriate the icon itself, either in full or through inserting parts of the icon into new images. Appropriations might be used and read as critical interventions into foreign policy debates, but such readings should themselves be subjected to analysis. A three-tier analytical and methodological framework for studying international icons is presented and applied in a case study of the hooded prisoner widely claimed to be emblematic of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal.

That the phenomenon of Brand Aid -- that is, the "combined meaning of 'aid to brands' and 'brands that provide aid'," (Richey and Ponte 2011:10) -- sits firmly at the intersection of international political economy, global health-care policies, and marketing, is powerfully brought out by Lisa Richey and Stefano Ponte in their important book, Brand Aid: Shopping Well to Save the World, as well as by the other contributions to this Forum. One idea that the book does not pursue, however, is how Brand Aid, as embodied by and enacted through Product Red (RED), speaks to political and academic debates over the securitization of HIV/AIDS (Elbe 2006). Thus, this contribution is concerned with the way in which RED raises -- but also evades -- questions of international, human and gendered insecurity. Considering the extensive securitization of HIV/AIDS by politicians, international organizations, and the media, within the North as well as the South, the absence of RED branding is striking. As Richey and Ponte's work shows, RED is situated on a political and discursive terrain cognizant of HIV/AIDS's securitization, but it refrains from both "security speech acts" that authoritatively declare HIV/AIDS to be a threat to "Africa," and the familiar stable of images depicting suffering, dying, AIDS-afflicted women and children (Bleiker and Kay 2007). Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe concept of desecuritisation – the move of an issue out of the sphere of security – has been the subject of heated international political theory debate and adopted in case studies across a range of sectors and settings. What unites the political theory and the applied literature is a concern with the normative-political potential of desecuritisation. This article documents the political status and content of desecuritisation through four readings: one which shows how desecuritisation is a Derridarian supplement to the political concept of securitisation; one which traces the understanding of the public sphere's ability to rework the friend-enemy distinction; one which emphasises the role of choice, responsibility, and decisions; and one which uncovers the significance of the historical context of Cold War détente. The last part of the article provides a reading of the varied use of desecuritisation in applied analysis and shows how these can be seen as falling into four forms of desecuritisation. Each of the latter identifies a distinct ontological position as well as a set of more specific political and normative questions.

This article starts from two interventions made at the 2008 Millennium Roundtable Discussion on Gender and International Relations: Vivienne Jabri's suggestion that feminist IR might benefit from a closer engagement with the constitution of 'the international' and 'the political' in feminist texts and Christine Sylvester's call for incorporating 'difficult feminisms' that challenge dominant understandings of which political and analytical perspective should be adopted. In response, this article lays out a more concrete research agenda focused on feminist texts that takes an empirically open view of what 'feminism' is and which incorporates factual genres and disciplines beyond political science and philosophy. To provide an example of a reading of 'the international' and 'the political' in a (difficult) feminist text, I turn to Rebecca West's Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, a non-fiction genre-hybrid tome of almost 1200 pages published in 1941. Known to an IR audience mainly through its alleged impact on the Bosnian War, I draw upon works in literary theory and women's studies to bring out West's gendered vision of international politics, giving particular attention to her constitution of the relationship between national, international and women's security. The analysis is divided into four parts which examine the gendering and embodying of empires, the politics of art and aesthetics, sacrifice and submission, and the feminist politics of writing.

A broad array of authors and schools have influenced Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver's formulation of securitization theory, including John L. Austin, Jacques Derrida and Carl Schmitt. This article draws attention to and strengthens the post-structuralist elements in the writings of Buzan and Wæver, as this part of the theory has received less attention than those attributable to Schmitt and Austin. Starting from securitization theory as developed by Buzan and Wæver and engaging with later expansions of the theory, I suggest a post-structuralist framework built around three questions: Through which discursive structures are cases and phenomena represented and incorporated into a larger discursive field? What is the epistemic terrain through which phenomena are known? And, what are the substantial modalities that define what kind of an issue a security problem is? The last part of the article brings this framework to bear on the 'Muhammad cartoon crisis' that began with the publication of 12 cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in 2005.