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Randall Hansen focuses on how the oil shock transformed not just the economy proper and the geopolitics of the Middle East region, but also the global circulation of people and capital for decades afterward. Hansen asks why, against all expectations, global migration tripled after 1970. Arguing that the OPEC oil crisis explains everything, he shows how war, migration, and the desire for ever cheaper products made by migrants led to a massive upsurge in global migration after 1973.

The day Hamburg died -- The Blitz : bombing civilians and destroying houses -- Bomber Harris takes over -- The Americans -- Building the mighty eighth -- Burn, Germany, burn -- Killing the Boche -- Cologne -- Göring and Speer -- Churchill, Roosevelt, and the future of bombing -- The Ruhr -- Busting dams -- England, July 27, 1943 : "Let us open the window" -- To destroy Hamburg -- Under the bombs -- Speer's nightmare -- The Battle of Berlin -- What the British knew -- Taking out the Luftwaffe -- Germany's Achilles' heel -- Oil and baby killing -- Harris's and Spaatz's orders -- Portal pleads -- Speer despairs, Harris threatens, Portal blinks -- American area bombing -- A crescendo of destruction -- Doubts -- As the last bombs fell -- Conclusion.

AbstractThe article examines British immigration policy in the run‐up to and after Brexit. It explains how the Conservatives presided over policies that demonised, demeaned and deported black Britons whilst admitting hundreds of thousands of immigrants they promised to keep out. This happened because of (a) how early postwar nationality policy interacted with subsequent immigration policy and (b) elite ignorance. The ensuing Windrush scandal resulted from the interaction of the British Nationality Act 1948 with Home Secretary Theresa May's hostile environment policy. Meanwhile, since Brexit, net immigration figures have doubled. This is because Conservative Home Secretary Priti Patel ended the free movement of EU citizens and authored a new immigration policy that utterly failed to consider the British economy's dependence on low‐skilled labour. The outcomes reflect profoundly on the British economy, on the history of nationality law, and on immigration policy.

Abstract
This article examines the Ugandan Asians' crisis of 1972, during which President Idi Amin expelled tens of thousands of Asian nationals from the country. It explains why Ugandan Asians held, against expectations and the UK government's intention, British citizenship. Drawing on primary sources and the social science literature on 'framing', the article then explores how Britain's Conservative government secured the support of an initially hostile public for its decision to allow the Asians entry to the United Kingdom. It argues that the Conservatives succeeded by framing the Ugandan Asians as middle-class, hard-working, skilled refugees, rather than as immigrants or British citizens, and Idi Amin as a murderous monster. The press played a vital role in the government's success. The article ends by reflecting on the case's implications for contemporary British immigration policy and the capacity of the state to generate support for open immigration.

This article provides a review of the economic, demographic and welfare effects of immigration in contemporary Europe. It argues that the economic benefits of migration are small but positive, its welfare effects minimal if not non-existent, and its demographic effects modest but real. It then provides a series of recommendations for governing migration policy in Europe: keeping the borders open but controlled; keeping employment high and income support low, and keeping speech free but fair. The most important policy recommendation centres on work: immigration policy will only work when immigrants work.