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AbstractInternet based technology constitutes one of the most important policy innovations in the last decades. Its diffusion has been rapid, widespread and sustained. The increase has raised questions about its drivers. The article focuses on an aspect of this dynamic that has been neglected so far: the variance between and among democracies and autocracies and their respective subtypes. Moreover, the majority of studies tackles the diffusion of e‐government techniques, excluding the important array of e‐participation. Our analysis thus offers a broader and more differentiated account of the adoption of online tools by governments. The findings indicate that the adoption of e‐government and e‐participation techniques varies substantially between and among democratic and autocratic regime types as well as over time and in kind.

The phrase "unintended consequences" is often used in the political (science) discourse, yet it still remains theoretically underspecified. We conceptualize unintended consequences in role theoretical terms in three steps, and then apply it to the United States' policy vis-a-vis the Asia-Pacific region under the Obama administration - the so-called "Pivot to Asia." First, we model unintended consequences as a gap be-tween the initial role-taking of an actor and the deviant but commensurate counter-role taking of an Other. Second, we examine the Obama administration's initial role-taking in the diplomatic, security, and economic realms, under the assumption that domestic contestation in the US may lead to unclear signaling about the Pivot's intentions. Third, we investigate counter-role taking by Japan, the Philippines, and Indonesia in order to draw conclusions about their interpretation of US role-taking and its consequences for the region's social structure. Our analysis exposes differentiated patterns of unintended consequences due to deviant counter-role taking by these nations vis-a-vis the US, China, and other actors in the region along all three dimensions of the Pivot. (Asien/GIGA)

The literature on norm socialization and Europeanization has largely focused on successful norm diffusion, but thus far it has hardly addressed the norm backlash from the respective societies. To more fully grasp the interaction between member states' roles and their institutional preferences we provide a conceptual model for the de-composition of national role conceptions. This model is applied in case studies on German and Czech European policies in the constitutionalization process of the European Union. The paper illustrates how the composition of Czech and German roles has changed over time and how these national role conceptions shape the countries' respective institutional preferences. We conclude that historical role experience is considered as a powerful explanatory tool for the policies of today's European Union member states.

Nicht erst seit der Präsidentschaft und Außenpolitik von Donald Trump gibt es gute Gründe zu vermuten, dass die Kontestation innerstaatlicher Ordnung in den USA im Zeitverlauf so stark variieren kann, dass ihre (zeitweilige) Illiberalität die Stabilität einer liberalen internationalen Ordnung untergraben kann. Die in diesem Literaturreview diskutierten Werke deuten auf einen Wandel von formalen und informellen Institutionen und deren Interaktion im (außen-)politischen Prozess der USA hin. Es werden gezielt Monographien und Sammelbände in den Blick genommen, welche die Innenpolitik der amerikanischen Außenpolitik adressieren und die US- Politik daraufhin untersuchen, inwiefern die parteipolitische Polarisierung und die populistische Außenpolitik der Trump-Administration, die Beziehungen zu zentralen Partnern und Kontrahenten in zwei zentralen Weltregionen (Europa und Asien) verändern. Das Literaturreview bietet erste Bausteine für ein Forschungsprogramm an, welches die innenpolitischen Veränderungen in den USA systematisch mit der Rolle der USA gegenüber anderen Staaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren verbindet.