Suchergebnisse

THIS IS A COMPARISON OF THE RELATIVE CAPACITIES OF FRANCE AND BRITAIN TO MOBILIZE CONSENT AND OVERCOME DISSENT. INDICATES THAT FRENCH ETATISME HAS WORKED MORE SUCCESSFULLY THAN BRITISH TRIPARTITE POWER SHARING BETWEEN GOVERNMENT, BUSINESS AND LABOR GROUPS, BECAUSE A FRENCH GOVERNMENT IS LESS LIKELY TO BE IMPEDED AND MORE LIKELY TO BE FURTHERED BY INTREST GROUPS, THAN IS THE CASE IN BRITAIN.

The 1994 European Elections focused public attention on the perception that representatives put integration above public interest. The contributors here critically assess the diagnosis of the ailment and the solutions that have been canvassed to remedy its causes and consequences

The loss of public support for European political leaders and institutions has provoked a populist challenge. In this edited collection, Jack Hayward analyses the way this is reflected in the media, representative bodies, parties, and organized interests in a context of severe economic constraints upon public expectations.

Before the Delors Commission the European Union only minimally regulated social policy because member governments regarded their welfare states as essential parts of national cohesion. Member governments have varied in their non-implementation of European Union's regulations as well as used their influence in the Council to block or modify them. The European Court of Justice has achieved some uniformity in social regulation. Between 'social partners' increasing recourse to marketisation, deregulation and self-regulation have favoured employer and taxpayer interests against those of employees and citizens generally. The financial austerity imposed has led to nationally variable retrenchment in health and pension services. Adapted from the source document.