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The operation and study of state and local government and politics has gone through a significant transformation in the last several decades. For this issue of Reviews and Essays, the author sat down with leading scholar, Ann O'M. Bowman, to discuss the past, present, and future of state, local, and intergovernmental research. While this essay is not meant to be an exhaustive examination of the "state" of the state and local literature, it does explore various interesting lines of inquiry that deserve continued scholarly attention and discusses the potential for research to inform practice.

This article examines gubernatorial agenda attention to social welfare and health‐care policy, assessing the extent to which liberal agenda attention is a function of state politics and policy needs. Using data collected through content analysis of state of the state speeches from 2000 to 2007 across the 50 states, I show that gubernatorial agenda attention is a function of a number of policy demand indicators, including gubernatorial party identification, state legislative party control, and policy needs as measured using state environmental characteristics. The results also suggest that Democratic and Republican governors react differently to their environments when constructing their agendas. The models of gubernatorial agenda attention show that state‐level agenda setting is a complicated process driven by both demand for public policy, as well as constraints acting against a governor's desire to devote attention to specific policies.Related Articles:"Issue Salience, Party Strength, and the Adoption of Health‐Care Expansion Efforts." (2012) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00340.x/abstract"The Interpretive Process of Agenda‐Building: A Research Design for Public Policy." (2002) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2002.tb00632.x/abstract"Agenda Setting at the State Level: The Neutralization of Entrepreneurial Politics in Virginia's Land Use Initiative." (1994) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1994.tb00343.x/abstractEste artículo examina la atención de la agenda gubernamental a las políticas de seguridad social y cobertura médica, evaluando en qué medida la atención de la agenda liberal está en función de las necesidades de las políticas estatales. Usando datos recolectados mediante el análisis del contenido de discursos estatales del año 2000 al 2007 en los 50 estados, muestro como la atención de la agenda gubernamental está en función de un número de indicadores políticos, incluyendo partido gobernante, control legislativo del partido gobernante, y necesidades políticas tomando como medida el contexto político del estado. Los resultados también sugieren que los gobernadores Demócratas y Republicanos reaccionan de manera diferente al establecer sus agendas. Los modelos de atención gubernamental muestran que la creación de una agenda a nivel estatal es un proceso complicado impulsado por la demanda por políticas públicas, así como las restricciones que sobre los deseos de un gobernador de dedicar atención a políticas específicas.

The introduction of McDonald and Popkin's (2001) measure of the voting eligible turnout rate represents an important advancement in the literature on voter turnout in the United States, most of which was based on studies of turnout among the voting age population. Among other things, their measure called into question many of the findings of research on the decline in turnout during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. In this article, we investigate how the measurement of voter turnout affects the interpretation of the sources of turnout in the states. Focusing on voting-age and voting-eligible turnout in presidential elections from 1980 to 2004 as separate dependent variables, we estimate models of state-level turnout and compare the results for each of the measures. Our findings suggest that measurement does matter in state-level voter turnout models and that some inferences drawn from studies of turnout among the voting age population are not sustained when substituting voting eligible turnout. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe introduction of McDonald and Popkin's (2001) measure of the voting eligible turnout rate represents an important advancement in the literature on voter turnout in the United States, most of which was based on studies of turnout among the voting age population. Among other things, their measure called into question many of the findings of research on the decline in turnout during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. In this article, we investigate how the measurement of voter turnout affects the interpretation of the sources of turnout in the states. Focusing on voting-age and voting-eligible turnout in presidential elections from 1980 to 2004 as separate dependent variables, we estimate models of state-level turnout and compare the results for each of the measures. Our findings suggest that measurement does matter in state-level voter turnout models and that some inferences drawn from studies of turnout among the voting age population are not sustained when substituting voting eligible turnout.

This research examines the position of county clerk, where women are numerically disproportionately over-represented. Using data collected from the National Association of Counties and the U.S. Census Bureau, the models estimate the correlation between the county clerk's sex and county-level demographic, social, and political factors with maximum likelihood logit estimates. This research suggests that while women are better represented in the office of county clerk across the United States, when compared to other elective offices, this representation may be because this office is not seen as attractive to men and its responsibilities fit within the construct of traditional gender norms.

Although the number of female governors has more than doubled over the past thirty years, few studies examine whether gender influences the policy interests of governors. To address this gap in the literature, we analyze whether gender affects the policy agendas of governors. Conducting a content analysis of state of the state speeches between 2006 and 2008, we examine whether gender influences the presence of social welfare policies on the policy agendas of governors. Even after controlling for political and situational factors, our results suggest that female governors devote more agenda attention to social welfare policy than their male colleagues. Adapted from the source document.

Although the number of female governors has more than doubled over the past thirty years, few studies examine whether gender influences the policy interests of governors. To address this gap in the literature, we analyze whether gender affects the policy agendas of governors. Conducting a content analysis of state of the state speeches between 2006 and 2008, we examine whether gender influences the presence of social welfare policies on the policy agendas of governors. Even after controlling for political and situational factors, our results suggest that female governors devote more agenda attention to social welfare policy than their male colleagues.

Recent literature on the governance of communities reveals a great deal of divisiveness and conflict among governmental and other political actors over questions of policy. In this study, the authors measure and explain the perceived level of policy conflict on city councils. The authors use data from a survey of approximately 1,430 municipal officers representing 92 Michigan municipalities with populations greater than 10,000 to measure conflict. This research focuses on the perceptions of city council members and mayors. Using multivariate statistical techniques, the authors find that respondent demographic characteristics, citywide conditions, and structural factors influence council member and mayoral perceptions of policy conflict. Adapted from the source document.

Recent literature on the governance of communities reveals a great deal of divisiveness and conflict among governmental and other political actors over questions of policy. In this study, the authors measure and explain the perceived level of policy conflict on city councils. The authors use data from a survey of approximately 1,430 municipal officers representing 92 Michigan municipalities with populations greater than 10,000 to measure conflict. This research focuses on the perceptions of city council members and mayors. Using multivariate statistical techniques, the authors find that respondent demographic characteristics, citywide conditions, and structural factors influence council member and mayoral perceptions of policy conflict.