BASED ON A SAMPLE OF 2,282 LEADERS IN ALL WALKS OF AMERICAN LIFE, THIS STUDY PROBES THE IMPACT OF U.S. INVOLVEMENT IN VIETNAM ON THE PERCEPTIONS, CONVICTIONS, AND BELIEF SYSTEMS OF THOSE WHO OCCUPY HIGH POSITIONS OF LEADERSHIP. RESULTS SHOW MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE BELIEF SYSTEMS HAVE EMERGED AND ARE UNLIKELY TO BE SYNTHESIZED IN THE NEAR FUTURE.
"A substantial contribution to understanding the role of public opinion and the news media during the Iraq War. Equally impressive, it effectively puts the domestic context of U.S. policy in historical perspective, making the book useful to historians as well as to political scientists."--Ralph B. Levering, Davidson College "American Public Opinion on the Iraq War sets out to chart against a detailed account of the war a nuanced assessment of how public opinion on the conflict evolved, the partisan differences that emerged, how the issue affected other areas of foreign policy opinion, and the limits of public opinion on policy. It succeeds at all of this, and it does so in a manner that is at once informative, inherently interesting, and exceptionally easy to read."--Randolph M. Siverson, University of California, Davis Ole R. Holsti explores the extent to which changes in public opinion reflected the vigorous public relations efforts of the Bush administration to gain support for the war and the partisanship marking debates over policies toward Iraq. Holsti investigates the ways in which the Iraq experience has led substantial numbers of Americans to reconsider their nation's proper international role, and he assesses the impact that public opinion has had on policymakers. Significantly, Holsti places his findings in a broader context to address the role of public opinion and of the media in democratic governance
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1. Introduction -- 2. How publics abroad view the United States and its foreign policies -- How the United States is viewed abroad -- America's international role -- Sensitivity to the interests of others -- The uses of force -- The war on terrorism -- Iraq -- Conclusion -- 3. How publics abroad view Americans and American society -- The American people and society -- American institutions and values -- Conclusion -- 4. The impact of "how they see us" : seven mini-case studies -- Turkey -- Indonesia -- Mexico -- Canada -- Australia -- Morocco -- South Korea -- 5. Explanations for anti-American opinions -- The end of the Cold War -- Globalization -- America's virtues and values -- Irrationality -- Strategic scapegoating -- Ignorance -- U.S. policies -- 6. The impact of American policies -- September 11 and the invasion of Afghanistan -- The Iraq War -- American rhetoric -- Sensitivity to domestic interests -- Deep partisan cleavages -- Conclusion
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The post-World War II consensus -- Challenges to the postwar consensus -- Opinion leaders -- Sources of foreign policy attitudes -- A return to isolationism and unilateralism? pre-and post-September 11 -- Public opinion and foreign policy: where do we go from here?
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Comments on Russell A. Burgos article, "An N of 1: A Political Scientist in Operation Iraqi Freedom" (2004), recognizing the astute observations of an active duty serviceman in the US Army in Iraq & focusing on what Captain Burgos describes as "the identity of the army in a 'neo-imperial' age." Burgos described the army as staunchly Republican & conservative & as viewing itself as superior to the civilian population. Recent surveys verify the Republicanization of the army, but the unfavorable image of the military toward its culture is similar to attitudes held by other professional groups, & the chances of a military coup in the US are between "infinitesimal & nil." Open partisan activities by active-duty & recently retired senior officers appear to be increasing, & may detract from the performance of the armed forces, but the author sees little change at present of bridging the civil-military gap. 3 Tables, 11 References. L. A. Hoffman
Is the US military becoming increasingly less representative of US society? Does this phenomenon have real consequences? This paper argues that the military must avoid establishing a special relationship with either the Democratic or the Republican party. The military must avoid partisanship & special interest status at all costs, & it must do so in an effort to maintain the confidence of the American public. 1 Table. K. Larsen