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This book assesses democratic resilience and challenges in (relatively) newly emerging democracies in the Asia-Pacific, which are simultaneously important case studies as newly emerging middle powers. Across all dimensions and measurements, South Korea and Indonesia are consistently the most salient case studies to consider. The two case studies are compared across three sections. First, the relationship between economic development and democratic resilience in Indonesia and South Korea. Second, nature of political culture and societal constructs in the two case studies. The final section looks at the potential peculiarities of the two case studies, which are seen as uniquely challenged: Indonesia by religious persecution and South Korea by political populism. Certainly, democratization is a long and difficult process. This book provides insight into how the two countries have embarked on similar democratization projects. It also delineates the successes and failures from which valuable lessons on democratization can be drawn. Brendan Howe is Dean and Professor of International Relations, Ewha Womans University Graduate School of International Studies, South Korea, and President of the Asian Political and International Studies Association.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables -- 1 Political Culture and Societal Exceptionalism: Challenges to Democracy? -- The Role of Society in Democracy -- Asian Alternatives -- Overview -- References -- 2 Confucianism and Democratization in South Korea: A Comparative Perspective -- Introduction -- An Overview of South Korea's Democracy -- Empirical Testing -- Conflict Model -- Compatible Model -- The Hybrid Model -- New Korean Theorization of Confucian Democracy -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 Between the Internal Struggle and Electoral Rules Effect: The Challenges of Political Islam in a Democratic Indonesia -- Introduction -- Situating the Debate -- Tracing the Sources of Islamic Groups' Lackluster Performances -- The Effect of Electoral Rules? -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Civil Society and Democratization in South Korea -- Introduction -- Two Interpretations of Civil Society in South Korean Democracy -- The Road to 1987: Four Decades of Struggle -- Civil Society in the Early Cold War Era -- Oppression and Resistance Under Park -- The Breakthrough of the 1980s -- Civil Society in the Wake of Democratization -- Politics and Partisanship in Civil Society -- Co-Optation and Partial Incorporation -- A Tale of Two Impeachments -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 NGOs and Democratization in Indonesia: From Co-optation to Collaboration -- Introduction -- Transformation -- Collaboration -- Government Initiatives -- NGO Challenges to Collaborate -- NGO Sustainability -- Final Notes -- References -- 6 From Poster Child to Poor Cousin? Expanding the Frontiers of Economic Democracy in South Korea -- Introduction -- From Poster Child to Poor Cousin -- Democratization and Economic Liberalization: Dynamic Duo? -- Dissatisfaction with Life, Dissatisfaction with Democracy -- Expanding the Frontiers of Economic Democracy.

This book is divided into three sections comprised of pairs of chapters. First, a section examining how Confucianism interacts with democratic resilience in South Korea, compared with the societal role and challenge of Islam in Indonesian democracy. The second section will conduct brief historical surveys of the role of civil society role in Korean and Indonesian democratization, and debates about the appropriate role for civil society after democratization. In particular, the various roles of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and popular movements will be highlighted in both countries. The final section looks at socio-economic conditions and distributive justice in relation to democracy in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Indonesia. Brendan Howe is Dean and Professor of International Relations at Ewha Womans University Graduate School of International Studies, South Korea, and President of the Asian Political and International Studies Association.

Cover; Half Title; Series Page; Title; Copyright; Contents; List of figures and tables; Acknowledgments; Notes on contributors; 1 Introduction; 2 Conceptual framework and intersections: peacebuilding, development, and human security; 3 Human fragility in Southeast Asia: the CLMV countries and the Philippines; 4 Japanese contributions to peacebuilding, development, and human security in Southeast Asia; 5 South Korea's middle power diplomacy in development and human security; 6 Summaries and prescriptions; Index

This text assesses the extent to which an emphasis on national security and prioritization of state interests has dominated governance policy-making in Northeast and Southeast Asia, at the expense of human security, human development, and human rights. The findings are that in many cases, there are embedded structural obstacles to achieving human-centered governance objectives in the region. These relate to the role of the military, historical authoritarian legacies, and new authoritarian trends. Contributors examine not only the most obvious instances of military domination of governance in the region (North Korea with its 'Military First' philosophy, Thailand since the 2014 coup, and Myanmar with its long history of military rule), but also less well known examples of the influence of conflict legacies upon governance in Cambodia, Timor-Leste, and Laos.

Comprising case studies of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this edited volume explores the key characteristics of democratic governance in Northeast Asia. Each democracy is assessed on the extent to which it enables the flourishing of social capital; prioritizes the interests of all as characterized by freedom from fear and want; and empowers all to participate in the democratic process and governance. With particular focus on the experience of minorities, this volume contends that the acid test of democratic governance is not how well the government represents the interests of the elites, or even the majority, but rather how it cares for the needs of vulnerable groups in society.

This volume critically assesses measurements of success in East Asian post-conflict development from a human-centered perspective. This involves a major re-evaluation of accepted accounts of domestic governance and international relations in East Asia from both a comparative and inter-disciplinary viewpoint. This book is rich in case studies and provides policy prescriptions for East Asian donors and actors in an effort to provide Asian solutions for Asian problems.

Middle powers have been defined in hierarchical and behavioural terms. They have significantly impacted on the global governance agenda, especially through their leadership within international commissions and through multilateral forums. Recent challenges to multilateralism have created an impression that the middle power moment is over, especially in East Asia. Yet, this article sees a way forward for the stronger, more regionally focused middle powers to continue to influence international governance.

East Asia (including the sub regions of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia) has been viewed as ranking among the most dangerous or conflictual regions on the planet, enduring colonial and Cold War legacies and several potential flashpoints. Regional international security governance has focused on nonintervention and conflict management, whereas domestic governance has focused on national security, development, and unity under tight central government control. Laos is a paradigmatic case of East Asian security policy prioritization. Its authoritarian government focuses, primarily, on traditional state-centric conceptualizations of security, and top-down, macroeconomic models and mega-projects to develop the country out of insecurity. This research project uses a qualitative approach consisting of literature review, document analysis, and limited interviews in the field. The conclusions are that, while by some measurements Lao governmental policymaking has been successful in achieving stated security objectives, in terms of nontraditional security (NTS) and human security considerations, these policies may not only be considered insufficient, but could also be counter-productive, storing up challenges for the future. Hence, the final section contains policy prescription for a more sustainable security situation in the Lao PDR. (Asian Aff / GIGA)

Global governance in the post-COVID-19 operating environment faces unprecedented NTS challenges to a broad range of referent objects from the global biosphere, down through systemic security at the international and regional level, through national security, down to vulnerable individuals and groups. These challenges cannot be addressed successfully through the old state-centric mechanisms of international and national governance agendas and policy platforms. The purpose of this study is to assesses the future of global governance challenges in a world ravaged by COVID-19, and the hope offered by new actors in addressing these challenges. Therefore, the rise of new challenges has also brought new actors to the fore, including middle powers, IOs, NGOs, and other civil society organizations and entities. It is the very interconnectedness of the new challenges which empowers the new actors to contribute substantially to global governance in theory and practice.

Western liberal democracy is in crisis. At the same time, since the end of the Cold War, new regions of the world and actors have risen to prominence. Contemporary discourse emphasizes, in particular, the rise of East Asia (including the Northeast and Southeast Asian sub-regions) and the empowerment of middle powers. This Special Issue of Asian Affairs: An American Review looks at the extent to which mid-sized East Asian states with significant democratic heritage embody hope for the liberal democratic project, and also the challenges they face. Furthermore, it considers how the analysis of the mode of interaction between state, economy and society allows a determination of the democratic conditions of any given country. The articles in this Special Issue originate from a project supported by the Asia Pacific department of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) exploring regional interdependencies of democratization in Asia. This introduction explores the theoretical framework of the project and elaborates further on case selection. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

From a developmental perspective, South Korea would seem to have long ago put the challenges of the Middle Income Trap behind it. This supposed economic Miracle on the Han River has been matched by a similar political miracle with democratic transition followed by consolidation. Yet middle income economic conceptualization is too narrow, with contemporary observers taking into account the political economy of change as well, emphasizing how development paths are often the outcome of a struggle between those who benefit from the status quo and those who seek change " a broader Transformation Trap. Likewise, even after transition and consolidation, the quality of democratic governance can remain poor, or thin. In South Korea, as with many Asian societies, the balance of power is tilted in favor of forces preserving the status quo. This article examines South Korea's escape from the developmental Transformation Trap through the interplay of state and the economy. It considers state-society achievements as well as ongoing challenges of the political Transformation Trap. It concludes with ongoing and future challenges along the economy-society nexus. (Asian Aff/GIGA)