Suchergebnisse

Argues that Asia is one of the only regions of the world without a clear political agenda, for which historical reasons are here discussed & solutions offered. Asia has experienced seven waves of regional political cooperation. The first began in the mid-1940s & was characterized by the dominance of external leaders, particularly those from the West, in regional policy decision, though these attempts at establishing modern colonialism were rejected. The second wave was characterized, in the 1950s, by India's interest in creating an independent regional coalition, though many Asian countries were unable to participate because of pre-existing relationships with the West. In the third wave, regional technical organizations arose & became successful, while in the fourth, beginning in the 1960s, subregional cooperation began. Out of this fourth state, five political bodies emerged as important players, including the Asian Parliamentary Union & the Assoc of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the fifth wave, which began after 1975 & is still partially evident today, ASEAN became dominant in policy issues, while the South Pacific Forum assumed a large role in the South Pacific. In the sixth wave, the UN emerged as an important mediating body interested particularly in formulating a cooperative approach that would allow regions to develop independently through shared resources. The seventh wave, which began in the 1970s & endures today, has included attempts to go beyond regional, national, & superpower institutional structure & instead seeks to address issues common to the world community, particularly those regarding military, political, & trade cooperation. Some of these specific efforts are reviewed, along with the conclusion that Asian Pacific regionalism will be crucial to further economic success, despite the fact that it partially weakens national or local-regional affiliations. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

After a look at the political changes in Cambodia since 1945, the intervention of the Vietnamese troops in and their intention of withdrawal from this country, the article discusses the Paris Conference in Cambodia in 1989. After noting the failure of the conference, it briefly examines further international efforts until 1991 for a solution of the Cambodian issue, setting up of an SNC (Supreme National Council) composed of the four Cambodian factions and prospects for peace in Cambodia. (DÜI-Sen)

According to the author, Singapore is a paragon case of the vulnerability of small countries to dictation directed from the centres of the modern capitalist world-system, leading to revolutions from the top to preserve political power as internal contradictions grow. The essay presents a model of the political imperatives of regimes in Third World and newly industrializing countries that are on the payroll of multinational corporations. The model is reduced to ten specific propositions, and evidence for each point is cited by quoting from official sources in Singapore. (DÜI-Sen)

The article presents eleven theories advanced to explain school crime, the subject of the inconclusive Safe Schools Study coordinated by James Samuel Coleman, then collects 90 statistical measures across the 215 public schools in one of the most violent school districts in the United States—the statewide district of Hawaii—so that each theory can be tested with at least one indicator. Data are intercorrelated, factor analyzed, and a stepwise multiple regression is run on variables corresponding to each empirically distinct form of school disorder. The data suggest that efforts to mainstream students are needed to bring a sense of community to the students of public schools, whether through racial desegregation or through proper classification of the abilities of immigrant and local students.

Analysis of 17 indicators of violence and disorder across the 215 schools in the Hawaii public school system; data for the 1974-75 school year.