In this study quality and conditions of work, social relations in the workplace and in the family, and well-being of engineers, teachers, and workers will be compared in three Nordic capitals: Copenhagen (Denmark), Helsinki (Finland), and Stockholm (Sweden); and in two capitals which at the time of the data gathering belonged to the Soviet Union: Tallin in Estonia and Moscow in Russia.
Finnish women attained universal suffrage as the first in Europe, together with the majority of men, in 1906. Since 1906 the number of women in the national parliament has increased from about 10 percent to more than one‐quarter. Earlier, women were more successful in the socialist parties, but nowadays this left‐right difference has diminished. Women candidates obtain least votes in the rural parties and in the least developed areas where pressure toward uniformity is high. The earlier east‐west difference has almost disappeared. Voting for female candidates is more common among women than among men. Education, employment, working in a white‐collar job, high family income, and urban residence increase the probability among women to vote for a female candidate. Among men, those in the highest and lowest social status groups are more favourable towards women candidates than those in between. Middle class men seem to be most afraid of losing status if more women become political actors.
SummaryThe results of this study on the voting activity of men and women in Finland, on the election of men and women and on the attitudes and expectations related to this activity are, in general, consistent with those of previous studies and with the propositions set forth in the beginning. Some additions to the facts known earlier can, however, be reported.Apart from the obvious effects of urbanization, of a rise in the socio‐economical level, and of a decrease in religious and conservative traditionalism, some other factors also help to explain small differences in the voting turnout of men and women. For example, in some areas, notably in the Swedish‐speaking rural communes, economic development increases sex differences by bringing with it social disorganization and cross‐pressures. An important result of the ecological analysis was that all over the country past class‐conflicts, traditions of inequality of social classes are reflected in present inequality or difference in sex roles in voting participation. Socialist traditions, which according to Marxian ideology stress the equality of the sexes in political life, and which are strong in the same communes where class conflict and inequality of the sexes prevail, are unable to decrease sex differences when the social structure is characterized by class conflicts.The social and political climates in eastern and western Finland differ remarkably from each other. In eastern Finland women's voting activity is low but a high proportion of women is elected to parliament and municipal councils, notably in the bourgeois parties. This is due to a lack of uniform norms as to whether and for whom to vote. Pressure towards conformity in western Finland brings women to the polls but to vote for men. This shows that women's voting and voting for women are not one‐dimensional phenomena in all social circumstances. On the other hand, it was found that urbanization increases both women's voting and voting for women. — The liberal attitude of men in eastern Finland towards women's participation in politics and leadership, reflects lack of homogeneous conservatism and provides a good foundation for those women who want to be politically active. Women in eastern Finland are not, however, as already mentioned, active as voters but when they are, they of ten vote for women candidates. The east‐west cultural difference seems to be losing importance at present and the south—north or center—periphery difference which is related to economic development, is gaining in importance.The influence of sex role ideologies could be seen primarily in voting for women, not that of women. The Marxian principle of the equality of the sexes is reflected in the larger proportion of women among candidates and those elected in the socialist parties. This proportion has for some reason been declining since 1954. On the other hand, voting for women candidates in bourgeois parties has increased. This may be due to the growing number of women working in middle class occupations. Women get votes almost always from other women — only a tiny proportion of men votes for women ‐ and these educated middle‐class women increasingly cast their votes for women candidates. Another reason for the increase in the proportion of votes cast for women in bourgeois parties particularly in towns and cities, may be the radical sex role discussion which began in 1965 and which may have influenced the voting in the elections of 1968 and 1970. This assumption receives support from the sharp increase already in 1966 in votes cast for women in the Swedish People's party, whose supporters included the initiators of this discussion, imported from Sweden.Socio‐economic development, conservative conformity, traditions of equality in the social structure and ideologies concerning equality of the sexes are on the basis of this study some of the factors influencing sex roles in Finnish politics. There is however considerable variation in their importance in different social groups and geographical areas. They also have different effects on the voting turnout of men and women and on the voting for men and women.
This book contains a thorough and detailed comparison of the five Nordic political systems, including the role played by women. It is based on empirical data for the last hundred years which is interpreted with regard to political and social science theories. The results of this study show that the political participation by women has increased rapidly, especially during the last fifteen years.
