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Religious broadcasting has been an integral part of American culture since the very beginning of radio. Over the decades, religious broadcasters have periodically generated considerable controversy as they have used the airwaves to transmit unorthodox spiritual and political messages. The decade of the 1980s has been the most tumultuous and political thus far in the history of religious broadcasting. Televangelists forged a coalition that provided critical electoral support for Ronald Reagan and George Bush while also playing a significant role in defining the social agenda of the decade. Toward the end of the decade, however, religious broadcasting appeared to self-destruct in the wake of financial and sexual scandals that rocked several major ministries. Still, religious broadcasting not only persists, but some ministries thrive and some televangelists continue to influence the American political scene. This article examines the rise and fall of televangelism and explores the prospects for the continuing influence of broadcasters in American religion and politics.

Several dimensions critical for understanding the rise & fall of US televangelism are examined. Following an overview of the early years of evangelical broadcasting, four essential processes that contributed to the ascension of evangelicals to a position of dominance in religious broadcasting are identified. Underlying factors that have contributed to undermining the strength, scope, & perceived legitimacy of religious broadcasting are also revealed. It is argued that two main factors contributed to the rise of televangelism: the confluence of proselytizing theology & the free-market economy, & the ambivalence of mainline Protestants toward broadcasting. Speculations on a possible resurrection of televangelism are offered. Adapted from the source document.

It is pointed out that the record of the Amer churches in the struggle for civil rights is, at best, ambiguous. Historically the churches have been more on the side of the status quo than on the frontiers of change & the achievement of soc justice. The occupants of the pews continue to resist change, but those who occupy the pulpits have to a considerable degree experienced a deepening commitment to, & involvement in, the struggle for soc justice. This is leading to the deepest schism in the churches since the Protestant Reformation. The efforts of clergymen to make the faith relevant to current pol'al & soc issues, eg, civil rights & the Vietnam War, must be seen in the broader context of internal upheavals over the meaning & purpose of the faith, doctrinal belief, & the exercise of authority. Lay resistance to involvement of the clergy is serious enough to raise the question of whether religion in its present instit'al forms will survive. The large majority of Amer's believe that black militants & Coll demonstrators have been treated too leniently & that the police should have more power. If the churches are to survive the 1970's, the clergy must devote much more of their energies toward changing men's hearts. Modified HA.

Historically, the churches have been more on the side of the status quo than on the frontiers of change and the achievement of social justice. The occupants of the pews con tinue to resist change, but those who occupy the pulpits have, to a considerable degree, experienced a deepening commitment to, and involvement in, the struggle for social justice. This is leading to the deepest schism in the churches since the Prot estant Reformation. The efforts of clergymen to make the faith relevant to the civil rights movement must be seen in a broader context of internal upheavals over the meaning and purpose of the faith, doctrinal belief, and the exercise of au thority. Lay resistance to involvement of the clergy is serious enough to raise the question of whether religion in its present institutional forms will survive.

It is argued that the Negro riots in Amer cities forced soc sci'ts to re-examine many of their assumptions. First, the riots shattered the image of a value-free soc act. The distinction between pure & applied set is growing dim, & soc sci'ts have to ask themselves: in whose name? & toward what end? In addition to the ethical question, there are methodological questions. Where does the accumulation of knowledge lead us question How much of knowledge is really cumulative & how much of it is based on tenuous theories? If a soc set project on civil disorders were set up similar to the Manhattan Project or the Manned Space Project, could soc sci'ts really deliver? It is argued that the soc set's have made contributions to an understanding of the causes of civil disorders, in particular, by linking civil disorder with deprivation. Knowledge has been accumulated on the dynamics of the soc, psychol'al & econ dimensions of deprivation. But more knowledge is needed on questions of values, on soc perception & on the critical link between instit'al arrangements & values. In discussing white racism, soc sci'ts have to question 3 underlying values. The 1st value is a derivative of the theological notion of free will & takes forms such as rugged individualism. The 2nd value is a psychologized view of man that rejects the proposition that soc structures affect human destiny. The 3rd value is based on commitment to the democratic process & the ballot box as means of change & often disguises a commitment to the status quo. A critical examination of these values is difficult because the soc set's lack an integrated theory of the structure of values. A. Peskin.

An elaboration of an earlier paper by Jeffrey K. Hadden, 'Ideological Conflict between Protestant Clergy and Laity on Civil Rights,' Social Science Quarterly, 1968, 49, 12, Dec, 674-683. Antecedents of ideological conflict between clergy & laity & possible consequences for the instit of the church are the departure points for interpretation of the data in the study. The ideological conflict is new & is concerned with the shift from traditional theological dogma to an emphasis on this life emerging out of the Ur'ization-secularization process. The clergy could not ignore the fact that issues such as civil rights were replacing living for rectification in the next world. For the layman, religion was stripped of its other worldliness to become psychologized & personalized. Along with the separation of church & state, religious affiliation became voluntary & came to be used as a legitimation of the individual's views. Soc issues have a moral force outside the church & clergymen have resorted to charisma to challenge laity. However, the conflict between laity & clergy does not appear to be too intense because those clergymen associating with the laity are more sympathetic to the civil rights issue than are the higher echelon of the clerical instit. As the clergy becomes increasingly dominated by men with liberal soc views, conflict seems inevitable over the role of the church in this struggle for civil rights. M. Zeitlin.

A report on 2 surveys designed to obtain data on the ideological conflict between Protestant clergy & laity on civil rights. The data on the clergy were obtained in 1965 by a questionaire of 524 items on civil rights sent by mail to 10, 000 clergy of 6 major Protestant denominations (Amer Baptist, Amer Lutheran; Episcopalian; Methodist; Missouri Synod Lutheran; & Presbyterian, US). 7, 441 returns are utilized here. Data on the public's response to clergy involvement in civil rights were gathered for the author in 1967 by the Nat'l Opinion Res Survey's AMAL- GAM SURVEY by personal interviews with a representative nat'l sample of 1, 504 R's (200 Negro R's were eliminated as not applicable here). From data offered in 4 tables, it is concluded that: (1) clergy are, as a group, sympathetic towards the movement for soc justice for Negroes; (2) they are not, however, unanimous: the older & theologically conservative are less favorable than the young & theologically liberal; (3) laymen, as a group, are less favorable to civil rights than clergy; (4) extent of involvement in church activities of laymen does not affect their views on race; (5) non-attenders are more favorable than attenders; & (6) laymen generally believe that the clergy should speak out on moral issues but not get themselves involved in the civil rights struggle. I. Langnas.