Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Part One Introduction -- 1 Theory, Living Fieldwork, and Autobiography: An Introduction -- Setting the Problematic -- Political Institutions, Gender, and Identity Politics -- A Question of Methods: Reveries of a Reluctant Interventionist -- Locating the Work -- Development of the Argument -- Notes -- 2 Locating Sudanese Women's Studies -- Introduction -- Gender and Middle Eastern Studies -- Feminist Scholarship on the Middle East -- Sudanese Women's Studies -- Notes -- Part Two Background to Sudan and Sudanese Women -- 3 History and Political Economy: Gender, Ethnicity, Religion, and the State -- Situating the Study -- History and Ethnography -- The State, Gender, Religion, and the Military: The Dynamics of Post-Independence Politics -- Notes -- 4 Women in Contemporary Northern Sudan -- Introduction -- Technology and "Development": Neocolonialism and Gender Ideology -- The Conditions of Women's Lives-Sudanese Perspectives on Demographics, Education, and Labor-A Commentary -- The Conditions of Women's Lives-Sudanese Perspectives on Legal and Political Status-A Commentary -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Part Three Two Case Studies -- 5 The Wing of the Patriarch: The Sudanese Communist Party and the Women's Union -- Introduction -- The Sudanese Communist Party and the Women's Union -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 6 Islamism and the Women Activists of the National Islamic Front -- Introduction -- Overprivileging Islam? -- Background: Nimieri's State, Islam, and the Rise of Islamism -- Women, Labor, Education, and Personal Status Laws-The Public Debates -- Public Debates on the Social Construction of Woman-Commentaries on the Islamists, Sharia, and Everyday Life -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 7 Culture and Transformation: Concluding Remarks

Using ideas from postmodern, postcolonial, and feminist thought, this paper analyzes recent global insurrections, e.g., the Arab Spring, to demonstrate their departure from modernist frameworks. Participants in the new uprisings, which are mainly comprised of youth and populated by great numbers of women, seek new language, modes of organizing, and formations. Presenting the new insurrections as not only anti-statism, anti-authoritarian, and non-hierarchal, but also fragmentary, uncertain, incomplete, and ongoing, I ground my ideas with examples from the various insurrections and end with the 2013 uprising in Sudan in an attempt to challenge the concept of failure and exemplify the unintended consequences of the insurrections.

Using field data from Eritrea and Sudan, Hale's essay interprets women's political memory work in contemporary conflict situations as forms of resistance. Few approaches are more epistemologically generative in analyzing conflict than the politics of memory in which, by recounting conflict situations through various renderings, those engaged try to override, cancel out, and morally supersede their adversaries' renditions. People try to colonize each other's pasts, and men try to colonize women's versions of conflicts. Some strategies for colonizing the memory of violent conflicts involve annihilating culture; dislocating people from their homeland; and trying to shape and control the lives, bodies, and voices of women. In various Sudanese and Eritrean conflict situations, not only do competing ethnic groups and people with differing modes of economy remember their encounters differently, so do women and men. During conflict situations, men may try to recapture stories of the homeland through the bodies of women, a provocative process that sometimes leads to gender-based violence (e.g., Darfur, Sudan) or, by contrast, to gender-blind ideology (e.g., in Eritrea). By substituting their own poetics, women resist a biopolitics in which their bodies are used as a symbolic means of dramatizing conflicts. They have had to replace the everyday, for now, with a politics, polemics, and poetry that allows them to resist.

How can scholars of Sudan now write about the landmass still called "Sudan"? What do we mean when we use the word? How can the name, which denotes a whole, encompass the fragments that make up its official boundaries? For the last several years, events in Sudan have been changing more rapidly than we Sudanists can analyze them or than Sudanese themselves can process them. Now, in its truncated form, delineating national identity—always problematic in the past—becomes far more complex. Considering extant cultural flows of art, language, customs, and religion, the dividing lines are, at best, dubious. A number of events are transpiring at the moment of writing this brief essay that have changed and will continue to change the future of not just one country but now two. For example, nothing is resolved in Darfur (in western Sudan), with peace talks stalled, more violence being perpetrated by the northern central government and its proxies, guerilla groups proliferating and battling among themselves, and a probable link among some Darfur groups and South Sudan forces.

With nearly a half-century of intermittent civil war in the background, it is becoming
impossible to write a social-science monograph about Sudan without referring to contested
national, ethnic, and religious identities. Few such works are gendered, however, and perhaps
even fewer attempt a class analysis. Sudanese scholars contend more successfully with class;
Euroamericans with gender. Despite good intentions, Sudan is usually explored through the
binary model of "north" and "south." Ann Lesch is no exception, but
her ability to complicate matters is a welcome addition to the
"integration–segregation" or "unionist–separatist"
literature on Sudan.

This essay examines Sudanese Islamist debates about the position of women within an Islamic framework, oppositional groups' stances on the nature of a post-Islamist Sudan, & women's role in the nation. The author critiques oppositional groups for a lack of vision for a post-Islamist gender egalitarian Sudan & feminism for its lack of clarity about the concept of women's emancipation. The author argues that all groups in Sudan have not extended a visionary approach to women, but have been limited to expressions about "women's rights." Using the concepts of "emancipation," "gender egalitarianism," "citizenship," "alienation," "belonging," & "subject," the author deconstructs segments of crucial political documents such as Islamic decrees, the new Sudanese Constitution (1998), the "Asmara Declaration" of the National Democratic Alliance, & various statements by political parties in exile. Using excerpts from women's narratives, the author attempts to illuminate Sudanese women's self-identification, belonging, & citizenship. Adapted from the source document.