Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part I Theoretical and Historical Considerations -- 1 National Identity and the Secularization Debate -- 2 The Origins and Consolidation of 'Cultural Defence' in Greece and the Republic of Ireland -- Part II Church, State and Nation -- 3 Church and State: Nationalist Legitimation versus 'Moral Monopoly' -- 4 Church and Nation: External Threat Perceptions, National Identity and Religion -- Part III Portrayals of the Nation in State and Church Discourse -- 5 State Discourse and the Redefinition of National Identity in the Greek and Irish Education Systems -- 6 Church Discourse and Nationalist Mobilization -- Conclusion: Patterns of Secularization -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index

The eurozone crisis has become associated with the rise of populism across Europe as it has coincided with in- creasing electoral support for political actors who seek to return politics back to 'the people'. This has taken place in different forms, depending on whether the country was a debtor or creditor, the salience of cultural and/or eco- nomic cleavages and other contextual factors.

Speed and Mannion make a good case that the rise of populism poses significant challenges for health policy. This commentary suggests that the link between populism and health policy should be further nuanced in four ways. First, a deconstruction of the term populism itself and a focus on the far right dimension of populist politics; second, a focus on the supply side and more specifically the question of nationalism and the 'national preference'; third, the dynamics of party competition during economic crisis; and fourth the question of policy, and more specifically the extent to which certain labour market policies are able to mediate demand for the far right.

What explains the dramatic rise of the extreme, ultranationalist Golden Dawn in a country that has experienced Nazi invasion and a military dictatorship? This book places the rise of the Golden Dawn in the context of the Eurozone crisis and argues that its rise is not merely the product of economic malaise. Rather, the success of the Golden Dawn is dependent on the extent to which it was able to propound plausible solutions to the three sets of crises - economic, political and ideological - that culminated in an overall crisis of democracy in Greece. The authors argue that much of the party's success can be attributed to its strategic choice to tap into the widespread disillusionment of the Greek people by offering them a 'nationalist solution': a rhetoric that emphasizes the twin fascist myths of social decadence and national rebirth

Nationalism and globalisation are two central phenomena of the modern world, that have both shaped and been shaped by each other, yet few connections have been made systematically between the two. This book brings together leading international scholars to examine the effect of globalisation on nationalism, and how the persistence of the nation affects globalisation. With a range of case studies from Europe, the US and Asia, the authors focus on the interaction between globalisation, national identity, national sovereignty, state-formation and the economy. Part one provides theoretical reflections on the flexibility and plasticity of the terms nationalism and globalisation focusing on the ways in which nationalism has shaped and has been shaped by globalising forces. Part two examines the relationship between nationalism and globalisation in different historical eras and different regions, questioning established approaches. Part three focuses on contemporary issues including the economic crisis, labour migration and citizenship and the theme of global culture. The result is a highly topical account that considers the conceptual landscape of Nationalism and Globalisation. With an interdisciplinary approach, Nationalism and Globalisation will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, history, economics and international relations.

This article presents new empirical evidence about the impact of Jihadist terrorist attacks on far-right preferences using the "unexpected event during survey" research design. This strategy allows us to match individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) to data on Jihadist terrorist attacks to compare respondents' party preferences before and after a terrorist attack during the same survey period in the Netherlands, Sweden, France, and Germany. We theorise and test three distinct hypotheses about how different combinations of attitudinal changes including out-group prejudice and trust in institutions impact far-right preferences. We find no statistically significant effects. Analyses of the two indirect mechanisms— i.e., prejudice and trust—yield mixed results consistent with the null effect on far-right party preferences. By showing that terrorist attacks are unlikely to decisively change party support despite attracting significant public attention and affecting political attitudes, our results challenge the argument that Jihadist terrorism necessarily benefits the far-right and highlight the importance of null effects for overcoming confirmation bias in the study of voting behaviour.

AbstractThis article theorizes and tests the association between the ego‐tropic and socio‐tropic dimensions of three sets of grievances, that is, economic, value‐based and security‐related, and anti‐immigrant attitudes using data from an original survey fielded in Canada, Germany and the USA. Our analysis confirms the presence of multiple paths towards anti‐immigration attitudes. Our contribution is threefold. First, we offer a nuanced understanding of the complexity of immigration scepticism and shed light on its different dimensions, including the under‐researched personal value‐based and collective security‐related. Second, we make an empirical contribution by confirming the multi‐faceted nature of anti‐immigrant attitudes using data from an original survey tailored specifically to our research questions. This allows us to examine each set of grievances independently of each other and independently of anti‐immigrant attitudes. Third, our survey enables us to identify country‐specific dynamics by testing the relationship between individual grievances and anti‐immigrant attitudes in diverse political settings.