Suchergebnisse

Troubling the pages of historians : African American intellectuals and historical writing in the early republic, 1817-1837 -- To present a just view of our origin : creating an African American historical discourse, 1837-1850 -- The destiny of the colored people : African American history between compromise and jubilee, 1850-1863 -- The historical mind of emancipation : writing African American history at the dawn of freedom, 1863-1882 -- Advancement in numbers, knowledge, and power : African American history in post-reconstruction America, 1883-1915 -- To smite the rock of knowledge : the Black academy and the professionalization of history

"Focusing on Russia and Eastern Europe, Hall argues that democracies can preserve their norms and values by better understanding how authoritarian regimes learn. It will be of interest to scholars, advanced students, and policymakers concerned with the politics of authoritarianism, and the politics of Russia, and Central and Eastern Europe"--

This paper argues that between 2012 and 2019, the Kremlin recalibrated preventive counter-revolutionary practices due to fears that an event like the Arab Spring or Euromaidan could occur in Moscow or that the 2011–2012 winter of discontent could return. While the Kremlin returned to practices of the preventive counter-revolution used after 2004, the tactics increased creating a "politics of fear." The preventive counter-revolution post-2012 implemented new tactics, incorporating an external element of countering the involvement of Western states in destabilizing authoritarian regimes, specifically in the post-Soviet space, thereby attempting to weaken Western states. The tactics of the preventive counter-revolution after 2012 have the potential to coup-proof the Kremlin and serve as a model for other authoritarian regimes to devise methods to counter Western states and democratization, thereby allowing the Kremlin to become a model and black knight for other authoritarian regimes.

In 2004, the Kremlin began what was termed its first preventive counter-revolution to counter a potential Colour Revolution reaching Russia and leading to the collapse of the Russian regime, like in Georgia in 2003 and Ukraine in 2004. The first preventive counter-revolution involved restrictions on the media, the opposition, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the repression of other independent areas of society to alleviate a Colour Revolution occurring on the streets of Moscow. The contention made here is that the second preventive counter-revolution, which lasted from 2012 to 2018, incorporated many of the practices of the first preventive counter-revolution and is an example of authoritarian learning from success. Nevertheless, there is also a case to be made that the second preventive counter-revolution took learnt from the success, or rather perceived success, of another source. Believing that the West, especially America, had supported protesters and democratic opposition groups in the Colour Revolutions, as well as helped instigate the revolutions of the Arab Spring and Euromaidan and attempts at revolution in Russia between 2011 and 2012, the Kremlin adapted these successful strategies for its own purposes. It devised methods to take the second preventive counter-revolution abroad in an attempt to counter Western actions and alleviate the possibility that a revolution could occur in Russia. The second preventive counter-revolution of the Kremlin provides further the literature on authoritarian learning. As will be shown the existing literature has largely concentrated on learning from failure. However, the Kremlin's second preventive counter-revolution provides an example of learning from internal and external success.