Suchergebnisse

Публічна історія, публічна політика, публічна дипломатія тощо – стали брендами ХХІ століття і поступово охоплюють всі ніші нашого життя, зокрема і освітянської сфери. Про публічну історію та публічну політику, роль історії в політиці йдеться в монографії доктора політичних наук, професора Людмили Д. Чекаленко. Прочитавши книгу розумієш, що саме такою має бути публічна історія: відкрита, відверта, конкретна; про справжніх, а не придуманих, сьогоденних учасників життєвого процесу. На наше переконання, саме так необхідно подавати подібну інформацію, щоби читач бачив і відчував таких же людей, не придуманих і не давніх, не занадто гіперболізованих героїв, а тих, хто
сьогодні і зараз живе поруч, долає подібні проблеми, створює себе, опікується знайомими питаннями і живе в цьому ж середовищі, де і ти. Саме так – яскраво і неупереджено треба викладати події, що вирують навколо нас. А ці події – з тобою і про тебе, про будинок, де живеш, вулицю, місто, країну, світ. Саме так необхідно ділитися спогадами, враженнями, врешті пам'яттю, практичними навичками

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the functioning of the United Nations Development Program in Eastern Europe. Particular attention was focused on researching and deepening knowledge about the peculiarities of the formation and the historical basis of the United Nations Development Program. The whole historical period of the development process of UNDP is divided into stages or decades, each of which was marked by a certain event. After analyzing the structure and responsibilities of UNDP, we determined that the system of organs is quite well-formed and successfully functioning. The main body is the Executive Board, which implements and coordinates UNDP policy, makes decisions and decisions. A separate accountable body is the Bureau of the Executive Council, which advocates organizational and formal issues. In the hierarchy of organs, there is such a concept as "regional groups" – a certain number of countries that represent the region of the world. The regional group of Eastern European countries includes 4 countries: Albania, Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine. Thus, to study the functioning of the UN Development Program in Eastern Europe, Moldova, Belarus, and Ukraine were selected. Each of the countries studied, have its own programs, especially their implementation procedure, the budget and the areas they are targeting. The mobility and flexibility of UNDP make it possible to adapt the peculiar and sometimes even very specific character of the country's activities.

The article deals with bilateral Russia and Ukraine power relations, urgent questions of their cooperation and form of realization of large Russia foreign economic projects. The separation of bilateral Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector is quite conditional, the authors have studied. Because they are objectively inscribed in the relations of both countries with a third party – first of all, European countries as consumers of energy resources transported through the territory of Ukraine. Thus, both from the point of view of the technological chain (producer-transit-consumer) and from the economic point of view (seller-provider of transportation services-buyer), these relations should be considered in a tripartite format. It tries to determine possible threats of Ukraine's national security in the context of Russia foreign power strategy realization. Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector are quite dynamic, but cannot be assessed unambiguously due to the presence of a combination of positive and negative factors and trends. They largely depend on the general state of relations between the two capitals, and sometimes have a decisive influence on them. It has been investigated that the weaknesses of the Ukrainian energy sector since independence in 1991 shed light on the fundamental link between energy security and national security. From the point of view of global energy processes, one should take into account the favorable geopolitical and geographical position of Ukraine and its related role as a transit state. The integration of the Ukrainian energy system into the European one is a component of Ukraine's strategic goal of joining the EU. Ukraine has a sufficiently strong and developed gas, oil and electricity networks, connected to the transport networks of the EU and CIS countries: Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, which allows it to participate in the formation of European energy policy and common energy market, play an important role in energy cooperation between the CIS and the EU.

The article proposes an authors' assessment of the compliance of the Baltic States at the present stage with the EU requirements for member states. The task is to identify the differences between the policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and the initiatives of the EU based on several indicators (gender equality, tolerance). The authors argue that despite the obvious progress over the past three decades in political modernization, the consolidation of democracy for the Baltic States is a challenge: there are successes in certain areas of democratization, but in many areas, there is stagnation and even regression. It is noted that despite several problems in relations with the EU, the Baltic States demonstrate balance and do not tend to aggressively focus on national priorities, as is typical for some Central and Eastern European countries. For each of the Baltic States, the authors point out reasons that increase the risks of deteriorating quality of democracy and slow down pro-European post-integration democratization. Common characteristics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are growing support for populist, conservative, nationalist political actors; strengthening various ethnic stereotypes and social phobias (homophobia, migrantophobia, etc.); preserving the vestiges of the previous undemocratic political culture, which contradicts the EU's value paradigm. There are differences between the Baltic States, which affect the level of efficiency of post-integration democratization. It is emphasized that in all the Baltic States, the problems of the quality of democracy are directly related to the peculiarities of the political culture of population (the prevalence of the survival values over the values of self-expression). It is concluded that the Baltic States do not yet fully meet EU standards, both institutionally and (especially) at the value level. ; У статті запропонована авторська оцінка відповідності держав Балтії на сучасному етапі вимогам ЄС до держав-учасниць. Ставиться завданням за індикаторами гендерної рівності та толерантності виявити розбіжності політики Естонії, Латвії та Литви з ініціативами ЄС. Авторки аргументують, що попри очевидний поступ за останні три десятиліття в політичній модернізації, консолідація демократії для держав Балтії є викликом: на певних напрямках демократизації є успіхи, однак на багатьох – наявна стагнація та навіть регрес. Відзначено, що попри низку проблем у взаєминах з ЄС, держави Балтії демонструють виваженість і не схильні агресивно акцентувати на національних пріоритетах, як це характерно для окремих держав Центральної та Східної Європи. Щодо кожної з держав Балтії авторки вказали на причини, які посилюють ризики погіршення якості демократії та сповільнюють проєвропейську постінтеграційну демократизацію. Спільними характеристиками Естонії, Латвії та Литви виділено: зростання підтримки популістських, консервативних, націоналістичних політичних áкторів; посилення різноманітних етнічних стереотипів і соціальних фобій (гомофобії, мігрантофобії, ромофобії та ін.); збереження рудиментів попередньої недемократичної політичної культури, що суперечить ціннісній парадигмі ЄС. Відзначено відмінності між державами Балтії, які впливають на рівень ефективності постінтеграційної демократизації. Наголошено, що в усіх державах Балтії проблеми якості демократії напряму пов'язані з особливостями політичної культури населення (превалювання цінностей виживання над цінностями самовираження). Зроблено висновок: держави Балтії ще не відповідають повною мірою стандартам ЄС як інституційному, так і (особливо) на ціннісному рівні.

The peculiarities of implementing the policy of the EU's Eastern Partnership Initiative in regards to protecting the rights of national minorities have been studied. The issue of national minorities in the EU is considered from the perspectives of security, democracy, and regional integration. Despite contemporary criticism of the EU's Eastern Partnership Initiative, many initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of national minorities in the region have been implemented, thereby fostering intergovernmental cooperation. It is evident that Ukraine and Moldova are the most proactive in protecting the rights of national minorities amongst the Eastern Partnership countries. These countries have been granted the status of candidate for EU accession. Despite the Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine actively works on improving legislation in the field of ethno-policy. Particular emphasis is placed on analysis of the institutional structure of national minorities, communication pathways, and non-discriminatory policies in Eastern Partnership countries. Member states of the Eastern Partnership actively utilize "soft power" techniques through a network of minority organizations. It has been suggested that European integration of Ukraine and Moldova has generated considerable opportunities for the development of national minorities. Loosening of state borders has enabled national minorities to connect more deeply with their ethnic homelands, thereby transforming them into engaged participants of transborder cooperation and significant figures of regional policy. The Eastern Partnership furnishes a platform for minorities to assert themselves in decisions which pertain to their lives, execute grant initiatives, and take part in regional associations of minorities. Nevertheless, certain risks are highlighted, such as particular nations exploiting EU enlargement to tackle minority matters or manipulate minority rights. The EU has analyzed programs supporting national minorities, especially those implemented in the Eastern Partnership countries. While Eastern Partnership countries have developed their policies regarding national minorities, there are common problems faced by minorities in the region. Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan, and Armenia are involved in conflicts, being former Soviet Union countries, and face numerous challenges concerning the functioning of the Russian minority, which is numerically significant in this region. It is stated that the EU cooperates with the Eastern Partnership countries on matters regarding national minorities, and it is crucial to develop innovative models for managing ethnic diversity, promoting the involvement of national minorities in making socio-political decisions and integrating them into society.