Memory for Sale: How Groups “Distort” Their Collective Memory for Reconciliation Purposes and Building Peace
In: Peace Psychology in Asia, S. 105-122
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In: Peace Psychology in Asia, S. 105-122
In: Peace Psychology in Asia, S. 85-103
Penelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan yaitu faktor apa di antara variabel persepsi terhadap keadilan sosial atau variabel kepercayaan interpersonal yang paling memprediksi kepercayaan politik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai adalah korelasional, dengan subjek penelitian yaitu mahasiswa perguruan tinggi se-Indonesia yang berusia di atas 19 tahun, dengan teknik accidental sampling, dan didapatkan sejumlah 1161 responden. Persepsi keadilan sosial diukur dengan Procedural dan Distributive Justice Scale (Blader & Tyler, 2003), kepercayaan interpersonal diukur dengan Propensity to Trust Scale (Evans & Revelle, 2008), dan kepercayaan politik diukur dengan Citizen Trust in Government Organizations Scale (Grimmelikhuijsen & Knies, 2015). Hasil menunjukan bahwa kepercayaan politik berkorelasi positif secara signifikan dengan persepsi keadilan sosial (r = 0.714, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed) dan kepercayaan interpersonal (r = 0.112, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed). Hasil dari analisis regresi juga menunjukan bahwa persepsi keadilan sosial menjadi prediktor yang lebih kuat (β = 0.711) dibandingkan kepercayaan interpersonal (β = 0.114) terhadap kepercayaan politik.
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Islam di Indonesia tidak hanya menjadi dasar aktivitas ritual agama, tetapi mulai menjadi dasar untuk mengatur kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Studi ini berusaha menunjukkan peran dari totalisme Islam sebagai mediator dari hubungan antara Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) dan Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) terhadap sikap politik konservatif Muslim. Studi ini menggunakan pendekatan cross-sectional melalui survei non-eksperimental terhadap 528 mahasiswa Muslim di Jabodetabek (Mean Usia= 21,4 tahun, SD = 3,36). Kami menggunakan 4 alat ukur self-reported dengan skala likert 1-7. Teknik analisis yang digunakan adalah melalui regresi model mediasi PROCESS Macro. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa SDO dan RWA tidak dapat memprediksi sikap politik konservatif Muslim secara langsung (direct effect). Kami menemukan totalisme Islam secara signifikan memediasi secara penuh (fully mediation) hubungan antara SDO dan RWA terhadap sikap politik. Hasil ini menggambarkan bahwa pada mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, sikap politik mereka cenderung dipengaruhi oleh faktor terkait agama. Dengan kata lain, agama tidak dapat dipisahkan dari ideologi politik konservatif Muslim Indonesia.
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This study explored the diversity of Muslim political attitudes by conducting a latent class analysis in the rarely investigated context of Indonesia—the largest Muslim country in the world. We surveyed a total of 1208 Indonesian Muslim participants from eight out of 33 Indonesian provinces. The latent class analysis revealed that there are six clusters of Muslim Individuals based on their political attitudes: Fundamentalist Muslim, Nationalist Muslim, Apolitical Muslim, Hijrah Muslim, Moderate Muslim, and Progressive Muslim. Moreover, we also found several meaningful differences in psychological correlates (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and need for cognitive closure) across the six clusters. Taken together, this study sheds some light upon the diversity of Muslim political attitudes and the psychological tendencies that correspond with such attitudes. ; reviewed ; acceptedVersion
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The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one's country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one's country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as ...
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In: PLOS ONE
[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0256740.].
During the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative politicians and the media downplayed the risk of both contracting COVID-19 and the effectiveness of recommended health behaviors. Health behavior theories suggest perceived vulnerability to a health threat and perceived effectiveness of recommended health-protective behaviors determine motivation to follow recommendations. Accordingly, we predicted that-as a result of politicization of the pandemic-politically conservative Americans would be less likely to enact recommended health-protective behaviors. In two longitudinal studies of U.S. residents, political conservatism was inversely associated with perceived health risk and adoption of health-protective behaviors over time. The effects of political orientation on health-protective behaviors were mediated by perceived risk of infection, perceived severity of infection, and perceived effectiveness of the health-protective behaviors. In a global cross-national analysis, effects were stronger in the U.S. (N = 10,923) than in an international sample (total N = 51,986), highlighting the increased and overt politicization of health behaviors in the U.S.
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Background. The effective implementation of government policies and measures for controlling the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic requires compliance from the public. This study aimed to examine cross-sectional and longitudinal associations of trust ingovernment regarding COVID-19 control with the adoption of recommended health behaviours and prosocial behaviours, and potential determinants of trust in government duringthe pandemic.Methods. This study analysed data from the PsyCorona Survey, an international project onCOVID-19 that included 23 733 participants from 23 countries (representative in age andgender distributions by country) at baseline survey and 7785 participants who also completedfollow-up surveys. Specification curve analysis was used to examine concurrent associationsbetween trust in government and self-reported behaviours. We further used structural equation model to explore potential determinants of trust in government. Multilevel linear regressions were used to examine associations between baseline trust and longitudinal behavioural changes.Results. Higher trust in government regarding COVID-19 control was significantly associatedwith higher adoption of health behaviours (handwashing, avoiding crowded space, self-quarantine) and prosocial behaviours in specification curve analyses (median standardised β =0.173 and 0.229, p < 0.001). Government perceived as well organised, disseminating clear messages and knowledge on COVID-19, and perceived fairness were positively associated withtrust in government (standardised β = 0.358, 0.230, 0.056, and 0.249, p < 0.01). Higher trustat baseline survey was significantly associated with lower rate of decline in health behavioursover time ( p for interaction = 0.001).Conclusions. These results highlighted the importance of trust in government in the control of Covid-19.
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The present paper examines longitudinally how subjective perceptions about COVID-19, one's community, and the government predict adherence to public health measures to reduce the spread of the virus. Using an international survey (N = 3040), we test how infection risk perception, trust in the governmental response and communications about COVID-19, conspiracy beliefs, social norms on distancing, tightness of culture, and community punishment predict various containment-related attitudes and behavior. Autoregressive analyses indicate that, at the personal level, personal hygiene behavior was predicted by personal infection risk perception. At social level, social distancing behaviors such as abstaining from face-to-face contact were predicted by perceived social norms. Support for behavioral mandates was predicted by confidence in the government and cultural tightness, whereas support for anti-lockdown protests was predicted by (lower) perceived clarity of communication about the virus. Results are discussed in light of policy implications and creating effective interventions.
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