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The PCWP agenda has contributed a great deal to the discipline of world politics, empirically, methodologically and theoretically. However, there is scope to expand upon certain aspects of this body of scholarship. In particular, the agenda is developing some unfortunate hierarchies in its focus on high-budget 'blockbusters' at the expense of data from the everyday. It is displaying a lack of imagination in terms of its methodologies and forms of output, despite the aesthetic and creative nature of many of the artefacts. Finally, it is evincing a reluctance to explore representations beyond the textual or the visual, at the expense of other forms of representation, including sound, taste or, as I argue in this paper, artefactuality.

Machine generated contents note: Introduction; 1. Lord Barham's Admiralty: 1805; 2. Admiralty reform, 1806-1835; 3. Decision-making at the Admiralty, c.1806-1830; 4. Admiralty administration and decision-making, c.1830-1868. The Graham Admiralty; 5. The Admiralty reformed again: context and problems, 1869-1885; 6. Administrative and policy-making responses, c.1882 onwards; 7. Fisher and Churchill, and their successors, 1902-1917; 8. The Naval Staff, planning and policy; 9. Lord Beatty's Admiralty; Conclusion

This is an important new history of decision-making and policy-making in the British Admiralty from Trafalgar to the aftermath of Jutland. C. I. Hamilton explores the role of technological change, the global balance of power and, in particular, of finance and the First World War in shaping decision-making and organisational development within the Admiralty. He shows that decision-making was found not so much in the hands of the Board but at first largely in the hands of individuals, then groups or committees, and finally certain permanent bureaucracies. The latter bodies, such as the Naval Staff, were crucial to the development of policy-making as was the civil service Secretariat under the Permanent Secretary. By the 1920s the Admiralty had become not just a proper policy-making organisation, but for the first time a thoroughly civil-military one

The international war on drugs has been roundly criticised by drug reformers as economically costly, ineffective and catastrophic for human rights and communities. This essay reflects on some of the interconnections between the war on drugs' attacks on vulnerable people and environments, and the vulnerability of other species. I argue that ending the war on drugs is an animal justice issue due to the direct and indirect (but not unforeseeable) impacts of 'narco' economics and militarised responses to the production and distribution of illegal drugs.