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THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE DEVELOPMENT AND CONSEQUENCES OF A PARTICULAR STYLE OF POLITICS, HERE CALLED "PATRON-RECIPIENT RELATIONSHIP," AS IT OPERATES IN ONE URBAN AREA, NEW YORK CITY. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT IT IS AN OUTGROWTH OF THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE POLICIES, RELATED TO THE ANTI-POVERTY PROGRAMS OF THE 1960S.

The different historical experiences of African Americans and other immigrants have engendered different approaches to the social and economic discrimination they encountered. Immigrating voluntarily to improve their status, other ethnic groups met de facto discrimination but not dehumanization. Glad to leave worse conditions, they expected little from the state and advanced by their own work. Blacks, free in Africa, entered in chains as de jure property. They had to struggle for de jure human status, for full legal equality as citizens. Demanding that the state restore rights it had deprived them of, they also demanded, in affirmative action programs dating to the mid-1930s, a fair proportion of jobs. Ghetto poverty, it is said, is an economic and social, not a racial, problem. Civil rights groups have long recognized that the welfare of blacks and the welfare of other citizens are united.

THE DIFFERENT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCES OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND OTHER IMMIGRANTS HAVE ENGENDERED DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION THEY HAVE ENCOUNTERED. VOLUNTARILY IMMIGRATING TO AMERICA TO IMPROVE THEIR STATUS, MOST ETHNIC GROUPS MET DE FACTO DISCRIMINATION BUT NOT DEHUMANIZATION. GLAD TO LEAVE WORSE CONDITIONS, MOST IMMIGRANTS EXPECTED LITTLE FROM THE STATE AND ADVANCED BY THEIR OWN WORK. BUT BLACKS, WHO HAD BEEN FREE IN AFRICA, ENTERED AMERICA IN CHAINS AS DE JURE PROPERTY AND HAD TO STRUGGLE FOR DE JURE HUMAN STATUS AND FULL EQUALITY AS CITIZENS. THROUGH AFFIRMATIVE ACTION PROGRAMS DATING FROM THE MID-1930'S, BLACKS HAVE DEMANDED A FAIR PROPORTION OF JOBS. IT IS SAID THAT GHETTO POVERTY IS AN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL, NOT A RACIAL, PROBLEM. CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS HAVE LONG RECOGNIZED THAT THE WELFARE OF BLACKS AND THE WELFARE OF OTHER CITIZENS ARE UNITED.

Das Wertesystem der USA wurde immer vom Phänomen der Rasse einem Test unterzogen. Die geschichtliche Erfahrung der Sklaverei ist deshalb wohl der fundamentalste Faktor, der das gegenwärtige Verständnis von Rasse und Sozialpolitik bestimmt. Fast 100 Jahre war Rassenpolitik Kampf um bürgerliche und politische Rechte, vornehmlich vor Gerichten ausgetragen. Trotz vieler grundlegender Änderungen nach der de jure-Aufhebung der Rassentrennung hat im Ganzen gesehen der wirtschaftliche Status der schwarzen Bevölkerung und ihr Anteil an den Ressourcen nicht mit den Errungenschaften im konstitutionellen Bereich Schritt gehalten. Da Ressourcenverteilung über Einkommen erfolgt, ist Beschäftigungspolitik ein zentrales Problem sozial angemessenener Wohlfahrtspolitik, die gleichzeitig die Abhängigkeit von staatlichen Zuweisungen abbaut und Armut vermeidet. (SWP-Hld)

Whether it is the politics of the nomination process, the politics of the general election, or the politics of governance, it is safe to say that all candidates will firmly announce that they represent "all the people." Each will pronounce profusely that he or she "owes no one or no special interest group." And each will insist that he or she will pursue policies based on principles, not on pressures.So much for the rhetoric, and it is quite expected and understandable. Of course, it is acceptable to be against "big government" or "big business" or "special interests." That, too, is expected. A serious (meaning, even slightly possible) contender for, and occupant of the White House will not long remain so if he or she bluntly announces otherwise, that is, that one's candidacy is largely reliant on farmers, or business, or unions, or minorities (racial or otherwise).The reality, however, is frequently somewhat different, and it is not necessarily a matter of political cynicism to say this. The nature of the three forms of the electoral/ governance system almost dictates that people who strive to govern one system develop strategies to appeal to several constituencies. Specifically, in order to be nominated one must court delegates. In order to be elected, one must count state electoral votes. In order to govern, one must construct still other kinds of coalitions. Always, at each step, the system mandates strategies that disaggregate the electorate into manageable blocs and available constituencies.