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In his 2017 presidential address to the National Economic Association (NEA), Professor Darrick Hamilton warned that treating economics as a morally neutral "science," and the discipline's limited attention to structural barriers and overemphasis individual agency, has resulted in bad economics, and bad policy particularly as it relates to racial disparity.

Objective. Economic theory suggests that competition reduces employers' latitude to engage in wage discrimination (Becker, 1957). This study investigates the impact of foreign and domestic competition on wage discrimination.Method. Utilizing the sample of males in U.S. manufacturing industries from the 1990 Public Use Micro Sample (PUMS), industry wage equations are estimated. In a second stage, the impact of domestic and foreign competition on racial wage disparity is assessed.Results. We find little evidence to support our hypothesis.Conclusions. Notwithstanding, the failure of conventional economic theory to satisfactorily explain racial wage disparity reiterates the need to incorporate alternative theories of discrimination into mainstream economic theory.

Objective: Economic theory suggests that competition reduces employers' latitude to engage in wage discrimination ( Becker, 1957). This study investigates the impact of foreign and domestic competition on wage discrimination. Method: Utilizing the sample of males in U.S. manufacturing industries from the 1990 Public Use Micro Sample (PUMS), industry wage equations are estimated. In a second stage, the impact of domestic and foreign competition on racial wage disparity is assessed. Results: We find little evidence to support our hypothesis. Conclusions: Notwithstanding, the failure of conventional economic theory to satisfactorily explain racial wage disparity reiterates the need to incorporate alternative theories of discrimination into mainstream economic theory. (Original abstract)

The U.S. is characterized by a longstanding pattern of large structural racial inequality that deepens further as a result of economic downturn. Although there have been some improvements in the income gap up until around the mid 1970s, the employment gap, and the racial wealth gap - two dramatic indicators of economic security - remains exorbitant and stubbornly persistent. We offer two race-neutral programs that could go a long way towards eliminating racial inequality, while at the same time providing economic security, mobility and sustainability for all Americans. The first program, a federal job guarantee, would provide the economic security of a job and the removal of the threat of unemployment for all Americans. The second program, a substantial child development account that rises progressively based on the familial asset positioning of the child's parents, would provide a pathways towards asset security for all Americans regardless of their economic position at birth.

Despite an enormous and persistent black-white wealth gap, the ascendant American narrative is one that proclaims that our society has transcended the racial divide. The proclamation often is coupled with the claim that remaining disparities are due primarily to dysfunctional behavior on the part of blacks. In such a climate it appears the only acceptable remedial social policies are those that are facially race neutral. However, even without the capacity to redistribute assets directly on the basis of race, our nation still can do so indirectly by judiciously using wealth as the standard for redistributive measures. We offer a bold progressive child development account type program that could go a long way towards eliminating the racial wealth gap.

We investigate how wages and occupation sorting vary by race, gender, and class during recessions. We performed repeated Kitagawa-Blinder-Oaxaca decompositions of the Black-White wage gap from 1988 to 2020. Black professional-class workers' wages are more unstable and take a more substantial hit during recessions. Black workers see a lower return to their labor market characteristics during recessions, and this is pronounced for the professional class. Using an occupational crowding methodology, we find that Black women are overrepresented in essential work and roles with high physical proximity to others and receive the lowest wages. White men are crowded out of riskier work but, within these categories, dominate higher-paying roles. Black workers earn less in professional riskier work than in working-class roles, while the reverse is true for White workers. We find that class status does not protect Black workers to the same extent as White workers, especially during recessions.