Affluence and the French Worker in the Fourth Republic
In: Center for International Studies, Princeton University
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In: Center for International Studies, Princeton University
"This second volume of President McKinley, War and Empire assesses five theories that have dominated analysis of modern societies in the last century--liberalism, Marxism, mass society, pluralism, and elitism--in accounting for an aberrant event in American history: the Spanish-American War. President McKinley and the Coming of the War 1898, volume 1 of this definitive history, considered the origins of that war. This second volume is concerned with the war's outcome; the settlement in which the U.S. gained an "empire." The book begins by reviewing various expansionist episodes in U.S. history--some successes, some failures--and by analyzing the complexities, support, and opposition involved in expansionism. It then examines the work of expansionist writers, men said to have "driven" the 1898-99 movement, finding these claims to be questionable. Hamilton assesses McKinley's decision-making in regard to the settlement of the Spanish-American War, including the influences that might have moved him, as well as his own justifications. He then reviews the subsequent achievements: the size and character of the new American "empire;" trade flows the Philippine experience and U.S. efforts in China--supposedly the prime goal of the new imperialism. Many contemporary writers anticipated great possibilities in China, but that "fabled" market remained minuscule throughout the following century. Much American trade continued to be with Western Europe, while the biggest change in U.S. exports went largely unnoticed--Canada became the nation's number one trading partner. In much historical writing, McKinley is portrayed as little more than a "front man" for Mark Hanna, the adept businessman-politician who organized and led his presidential campaign, aided by generous financial contributions from business leaders across the nation. Hanna certainly was a leading figure in McKinley's career, but the assumption that his influence was controlling is not justified, as has been shown in recent research. McKinley was far more than a figurehead easily manipulated by representatives of "the interests.""--Provided by publisher.
In: Princeton Legacy Library
Challenging the traditional belief that Hitler's supporters were largely from the lower middle class, Richard F. Hamilton analyzes Nazi electoral successes by turning to previously untapped sources--urban voting records. This examination of data from a series of elections in fourteen of the largest German cities shows that in most of them the vote for the Nazis varied directly with the class level of the district, with the wealthiest districts giving it the strongest support. Originally published in 1982. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand techno
In: Princeton Legacy Library
Challenging the traditional belief that Hitler's supporters were largely from the lower middle class, Richard F. Hamilton analyzes Nazi electoral successes by turning to previously untapped sources--urban voting records. This examination of data from a series of elections in fourteen of the largest German cities shows that in most of them the vote for the Nazis varied directly with the class level of the district, with the wealthiest districts giving it the strongest support. Originally published in 1982. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand techno.
In: Estudios / Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, 73
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: Presidential studies quarterly: official publication of the Center for the Study of the Presidency, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 482-492
ISSN: 1741-5705
Many commentators have quoted and made use of a statement by Theodore Roosevelt—that President William McKinley had "no more backbone than a chocolate éclair." Three uses of the quotation are reviewed here raising questions about the adequacy of the sources, the context, and the plausibility of that judgment.
In: Presidential studies quarterly, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 482-493
ISSN: 0360-4918
In: Human rights review: HRR, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 119-123
ISSN: 1874-6306
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 55, Heft 3, S. 347-356
ISSN: 0033-362X
An analysis of the findings of Louis Harris (Inside America, New York: Vintage, 1987), who found a substantial increase (20%) in the number of hours worked by Americans, & a corresponding decrease (32%) in the amount of leisure time available to the average person, since 1973. These figues are compared with similar data for the same period from the Dept of Labor, which show a decline in the work week, & NORC's General Social Surveys, which show a constancy in the work week. Examination of the sources of Harris's findings & his methodology indicate important methodological changes that may be responsible for his findings. It is argued that Harris's findings of a significant increase in arts attendance make his conclusions about a decrease in leisure time questionable. It is concluded that there was no dramatic change in work or leisure between 1973 & 1985, that Harris's findings are a function of changes in methods only, & that the other two sources of data are more accurate. In Comment, F. Thomas Juster & Frank P. Stafford (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor) agree that the differences between the three data sets are due to differences in question wording & review findings from their own study of time use in US households (Time, Goods, and Well-Being,) Ann Arbor, Mich: Instit for Social Research, 1985), based on time diaries, which are described as a superior method for measuring time spent in a full range of activities. These data show a decline in total work time for both men & women, although gender differences in market work & work at home are noted. The general acceptance of results from the Harris Poll, which are counter to hard evidence available from other sources, is questioned. 1 Table, 19 References. S. Dilts