Suchergebnisse

Recent moves within the European Community (EC) toward closer economic, financial, and social union compel Scandinavian political elites to rethink their nations' ties with the EC. Denmark has been a member since 1972, but the remaining Scandinavian countries remain highly ambivalent toward the Community—the Norwegians because of a deeply rooted tradition of isolationism and the Swedes and the Finns because of their foreign policies of neutrality. Seeking to steer a middle course between extreme domestic viewpoints on optimal ties with the EC, Sweden, Norway, and Finland are likely to achieve de facto membership on the basis of unilateral and multilateral steps toward greater economic harmonization.

RECENT MOVES TOWARD CLOSER ECONOMIC, FINANCIAL, AND SOCIAL UNION WITHIN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY (EC) ARE COMPELLING SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES TO RETHINK THEIR TIES WITH THE EC. DENMARK HAS BEEN AN EC MEMBER SINCE 1972, BUT THE OTHER NORDIC COUNTRIES REMAIN AMBIVALENT TOWARD THE COMMUNITY--THE NORWEGIANS BECAUSE OF A DEEPLY-ROOTED TRADITION OF ISOLATIONISM AND THE SWEDES AND FINNS BECAUSE OF THEIR POLICY OF NEUTRALITY. SEEKING TO STEER A MIDDLE COURSE BETWEEN EXTREME DOMESTIC VIEWPOINTS ON OPTIMAL TIES WITH THE EC, SWEDEN, NORWAY, AND FINLAND ARE LIKELY TO ACHIEVE DE FACTO MEMBERSHIP ON THE BASIS OF UNILATERAL AND MULTILATERAL STEPS TOWARDS GREATER ECONOMIC HARMONIZATION.

In countries characterized by a tradition of an active rather than a passive state, such as Sweden and West Germany, politics constitutes an important autonomous factor in determining policy choices and hence economic and social outcomes over time. The key actors in this context are political parties and their aligned or affiliated interest groups. During the postwar period the Social Democrats initiated a policy shift toward neo-Keynesian expansionist economic measures in an effort to sustain growth and minimize unemployment in both countries, whereas the more conservative Christian Democrats were responsible for implementing a less interventionist policy based on social market economic principles during the formative years of the Federal Republic. As a result of these policy similarities and differences—buttressed by the contrasting role of organized labor in the two countries—Sweden and West Germany have experienced both convergence and continued divergence with respect to their economic and social performance. An important consequence is that they appear to have evolved different types of corporatism—with concomitant implications for both the comparative study of advanced industrial societies and democratic theory.

Utilizing principles of countersystem analysis, derived from earlier co-authored studies of domestic change in advanced industrial societies, the author considers alternative consequences of Sweden's 1972 free trade treaty with the expanded European Community. On the basis of interviews with a systematic sample of leading officials in the government, parliament, the administration, interest groups, and the communication media as well as a qualitative assessment of Swedish foreign policy requirements, the author posits three conceivable patterns of policy choice in Sweden's future relations with the Common Market: (1) expanded trade and technical cooperation, (2) ad hoc membership in the EEC, and (3) assertive neutrality. Elite expectations and contemporary economic-technological links between Sweden and Western Europe indicate that the most probable course among these alternatives is ad hoc membership.