Suchergebnisse

At give og modtage omsorg er helt grundlæggende for os som mennesker, men mangel på arbejdskraft og tid samt et dårligt arbejdsmiljø fører sammen med en "tynd" omsorg til en omsorgskrise. Tilmed risikerer de tre mest fremtrædende løsninger på krisen - mere ledelse, mere teknologi og mere familie og civilsamfund - at forstærke krisen og dermed udfordre velfærdsstatens bæredygtighed. Denne artikel diskuterer, hvad vi skal inkludere, når vi taler om en omsorgskrise i den danske (nordiske) velfærdsstat, hvad der kendetegner denne, og hvilken betydning den har for velfærdsstatens bæredygtighed. Artiklen trækker på analyser og diskussioner i antologien "A Care Crisis in the Nordic Welfare States? Care work, gender equality and welfare state sustainability" (Hansen, Dahl og Horn, 2022).

This research paper builds upon a report I have used as background material for presentations within the framework of the Danish LO. It also makes up a part of my Ph.D. thesis about gender equality policy problems in the labour movement in Denmark and the UK. The thesis will be finished autumn 2003. The object of the paper is the new gender equality policy of the British union UNISON. UNISON has implemented the gender equality policies directly into the union structure and democracy. Women are secured representation through rules of proportionality and fair representation. Besides that UNISON has self-organised groups for women, black members, lesbians and gays, and for disabled members. The paper concludes that the construction of a new agenda for gender equality policy was a result of active and strategic action by gender equality agents, but also made possible because of the pressure on the British unions for regaining power at the labour market. One important move was to relate gender equality and renewal of union democracy. Implementation of the gender equality policy and the change to a more memberled organization is a still ongoing process. Change takes time, and on top of that the organizational culture in some parts of the union is reluctant to the new policies. The openness of the policy has resulted in self-organisation and fair representation being implemented in very different ways as in very different levels of membership-activity. But in general more women has become active and has gained seats in the union structure, while women as a group have not yet gained sufficient influence. There are though two more principal problems with the gender equality policy that raises the question: are the gender equality policy and the new structures for democracy and organization extensive enough? Focus is here upon representational democracy->

Love and Gender in 3F – new perspectives on gender equality in the labour movement In the article I argue for the necessity of (also) conceptualizing gender as produced, reproduced and transformed through love. This love is neither romantic nor physical, but a metaphor for meanings and practices which contribute to the making of gender equality in the Danish trade union 3F. From Rösing's re-reading of de Beauvoir I develop the concept of 'exchange' as a way to create room for a multiplicity of gender and other experiences. Acknowledging that gender inequality is embedded in the organization, democracy, leadership, and ideology of the labour movement I add the idea of participation policies building on Fraser's theory of justice. This perspective reveals how important the exchange both as the actual 'positive dialogue' between individuals and as participation policies has been for the making of gender equality in the five 3F branches. And furthermore, that the absence of exchange and a narrow understanding of gender equality do not lead to parity in participation but to the reproduction of gender stereotypes.

Love and Gender in 3F – new perspectives on gender equality in the labour movement In the article I argue for the necessity of (also) conceptualizing gender as produced, reproduced and transformed through love. This love is neither romantic nor physical, but a metaphor for meanings and practices which contribute to the making of gender equality in the Danish trade union 3F. From Rösing's re-reading of de Beauvoir I develop the concept of 'exchange' as a way to create room for a multiplicity of gender and other experiences. Acknowledging that gender inequality is embedded in the organization, democracy, leadership, and ideology of the labour movement I add the idea of participation policies building on Fraser's theory of justice. This perspective reveals how important the exchange both as the actual 'positive dialogue' between individuals and as participation policies has been for the making of gender equality in the five 3F branches. And furthermore, that the absence of exchange and a narrow understanding of gender equality do not lead to parity in participation but to the reproduction of gender stereotypes.

Gender equality policies risk contributing to the reproduction of gender inequality. This is what I will call the Gordic Knot of gender equality. It is caused by the paradox that the policy reproduces the binary understanding of gender and that gender discourse creates the conditions for what is meaningful to say, do and change. In the article I discuss how Nancy Fraser's theory of justice can help in solving this paradox and the dilemmas following it. I also criticise Fraser and add new perspectives and tools based on research into the labour movement in Denmark and Britain.

"Der Beitrag verknüpft Gleichstellungsprobleme mit der weiteren Agenda der Herausforderungen für die Arbeiterbewegung. Das Hauptargument lautet, dass die Gewerkschaften die Differenziertheit ihrer Mitgliederschaft reflektieren müssen, um ihre Legitimität gegenüber den Mitgliedern wie ihre Stärke auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zu behaupten. Die Schlussfolgerung lautet, dass ein solcher Wandel in Politik und Praxis der Gewerkschaften sowohl der Arbeiterbewegung wie der Gleichstellung der Geschlechter zugute käme. Empirischer Fokus des Aufsatzes ist die Gender-Politik in der LO (Dänemark) und der UNISON (Großbritannien)." (Autorenreferat)

Examining the experiences of leadership among trade unionists in a range of unions and labor movements around the world, this volume addresses perspectives of women and men from a range of identities such as race/ethnicity, sexuality, and age. It analyses existing models of leadership in various political organizational forms, especially trade unions, but also including business and management approaches, leadership forms which arise from fields such as community, pedagogy, and the third sector. This book analyzes and critiques concepts, expectations, and experiences of union leaders.

Academic experts review the impact of neoliberal politics and ideology on the status of care work in Nordic countries. They explore different understandings of the care crisis, the consequences for gender equality and the long-term sustainability of the Nordic welfare states.

Micro-Combined Heat and Power systems may contribute to changing the energy system at the residential level. Being a part of a distributed generation system, the stationary fuel cells constitute a promising element in a potentially sustainable and environmentally friendly energy system. Fuel cell based microCHP will be able to contribute to an innovative system where the customer produces his own heat and partly his own electricity. Furthermore, stationary fuel cells as a part of a distributed generation system are also regarded as a potential to improve the national security of supply as well as increase the national competitiveness. The stationary fuel cell technology is still in a rather early stage of development and faces a long list of challenges and barriers of which some are linked directly to the technology through the need of cost decrease and reliability improvements. Others are linked to the political stage, where the necessary support schemes have to be in place in combination with guarantees that the political objectives for the future energy system does not change dramatically. One of the main challenges of the fuel cell technology is the efficiency while others are the cost as well as the reliability of the fuel cell. It is questionable if investors such as households or energy companies are willing to engage in the fuel cell technology before these conditions have improved. In order to assure actual market penetration of fuel cells, political objectives, which will contribute to assuring that the investors face long term planning perspectives and regulation in the field has to be clear and contribute to creating the market opportunities e.g. through investments in R&D. In this work package, we address the issues of necessary support schemes and the effect on the future energy system. If the single countries should opt to support stationary fuel cells, we find that in Denmark it would be promising to apply the net metering based support scheme for households with an electricity consumption exceeding the electricity production from the fuel cell. In France and Portugal the most promising support scheme is price premium when the fuel cell is run as a part of a virtual power plant. From a system perspective, it appears that it is more important which kind of energy system (represented by country) the FC's are implemented in, rather than which operation strategy is used. In an energy system with lots of fossil fuel (Denmark and Portugal), the potential CO2 emission reductions are relatively large compared to an energy system dominated by e.g. fossil-free nuclear.

The Nordic Council of Ministers publishes regular overview reports on the use of economic instruments in Nordic environmental policy. In this report, Part I presents an overview of the use of economic instruments with the main focus on changes during the years 2006 - 2009. Part II gives a brief overview of mixes of policy instruments (also other than economic instruments) and presents two case studies. There are generally few changes in the use of economic instruments since 2006, except for the introduction of the emissions trading system, EU ETS, and changes in vehicle registration tax systems to become more based on specific fuel use or CO2 emissions. In general, the tax systems could be made more effective and efficient by treating different sectors and fuels more equally.