Der unsichtbare Gegner: organisierte Kriminalität in fragilen Staaten
In: Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik: Monatszeitschrift, Band 59, Heft 7, S. 93-101
ISSN: 0006-4416
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In: Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik: Monatszeitschrift, Band 59, Heft 7, S. 93-101
ISSN: 0006-4416
World Affairs Online
In: Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, Band 59, Heft 7, S. 93-101
In: Wissenschaftliche Schriften der WWU Münster
In: Reihe 7 12
In: Wissenschaftliche Schriften der WWU Münster
In: Reihe VII Bd.12
In: MV Wissenschaft
In: Die Europäische Union im 21. Jahrhundert: Theorie und Praxis europäischer Außen-, Sicherheits- und Friedenspolitik, S. 238-248
In: Frieden und Sicherheit im 21. Jahrhundert, S. 125-149
In: Die Europäische Union im 21. Jahrhundert, S. 238-248
In: World politics review: WPR
World Affairs Online
Nur ein knappes Jahr verbleibt bis zum geplanten Unabhängigkeitsreferendum des Südsudan im Januar 2011. Die Abstimmung markiert das Ende der sechsjährigen Übergangsphase, die 2005 mit dem Abschluss des Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) zwischen der Zentralregierung im Norden und der Rebellenbewegung im Süden begann. Die lückenhafte Umsetzung des Abkommens, anhaltendes Misstrauen zwischen den Konfliktparteien sowie zunehmende politische Spannungen im Vorfeld der für April 2010 geplanten Wahlen gefährden die Stabilität im Sudan und mindern die Chancen auf einen friedlichen Verlauf des Referendums. Bei einem Scheitern des Friedensprozesses könnten die humanitären Konsequenzen noch gravierender sein als jene des Darfur-Konflikts. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss jetzt entschieden und koordiniert handeln, um die Voraussetzungen für ein friedliches Referendum zu schaffen und für ein Mindestmaß an Stabilität danach - ob in einem vereinten oder geteilten Sudan
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With barely a year until the crucial vote on independence for Southern Sudan in January 2011, the peace process is in trouble. The independence referendum is sup-posed to mark the end of a six-year interim period that began in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the central government in the North and the rebel movement in the South. But patchy implementation of the peace agreement, festering mistrust between the parties and worsening political tensions in the run-up to the April 2010 elections are endangering stability in the country and reducing the chances that the referendum can pass off peacefully. If the peace process fails, the humanitarian consequences could be even graver than in Darfur. The international community must act decisively and in partnership to create the preconditions for a peaceful referendum and a minimum of stability thereafter - whether that is in one country or two
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World Affairs Online
In: Universität : Wissenschaftliche Schriften der WWU Münster
In: Reihe 7 Band 12
In: MV Wissenschaft
In: Transforming ethnopolitical conflict: the Berghof handbook, S. 295-319
"Wibke Manson, Oliver Ramsbotham and Tom Woodhouse highlight the importance of peacekeeping both for violence control and for enhancing capacities for peacebuilding. The authors argue that peacekeeping can serve as an important instrument as long as its practice is sufficiently reformed. New thinking about peacekeeping has evolved in response to changing environments of conflict, and places emphasise primarily on the strengthening of enforcement powers while at the same time reinforcing peacebuilding capacities. The new doctrine sets for itself the dual goal of controlling violence while simultaneously maintaining consent and rebuilding co-operative relationships. According to the authors this dual goal can only be achieved if current approaches developed in the academic field are thoroughly integrated with the practice of peacekeeping. Moreover the article points out where knowledge developed in conflict resolution theory can be of relevance for peacekeepers, as well as commenting on perspectives for application and addressing the question of the future needs for peacekeeping." (author's abstract)
In: Transforming Ethnopolitical Conflict, S. 295-319
Military operations abroad by the German Armed Forces are always a controversial instrument of German crisis management. Yet, such foreign deployments are likely to remain necessary for the foreseeable future while, at the same time, they are undergoing noticeable change. The conditions shaping this transformation can be captured in three dimensions of change: the change in war and violent conflict; the transformation of the international political and legal context; and the shifting institutional frameworks for these operations. German policy-makers must address the related challenges - whether setting normative anchors and formats for operations, contributing to stabilisation in a context of continuing insecurity, building partners' military capacities, dealing with transnational threats or using benchmarks for exiting. Yet, they only have limited influence over the described changes. Fundamentally, decisions about military operations abroad are taken within the triangle of pressing problems (crises and conflicts), responsibility (obligations under international law, alliances, political commitments), and the political situation and available capabilities in Germany itself. It is hard to predict the developments which will dictate the scope for action within this triangle. However, the worst possible approach would be to address the described challenges only from a short-term and ad-hoc perspective, especially since they do not exclusively concern operations abroad. In its 2017 Guidelines on crisis prevention and conflict resolution and 2016 White Paper, the German federal government outlined a framework for German engagement that it now has to fill. Furthermore, the expectations of Germany's partners within the EU, NATO and UN have grown - which will also require further military contributions.
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