Obstacles to integration: what would it take to reconcile people on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait ?
In: Issues & studies: a social science quarterly on China, Taiwan, and East Asian affairs, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 47-80
ISSN: 1013-2511
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In: Issues & studies: a social science quarterly on China, Taiwan, and East Asian affairs, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 47-80
ISSN: 1013-2511
World Affairs Online
In: Pacific affairs, Band 78, Heft 2, S. 237-256
ISSN: 0030-851X
World Affairs Online
The contents of this book cover national identity, nationalism the state, imagining Taiwan, imagining China, imagining a hybrid of federation and confederation, obstacles to integration, and much more.
In: SUNY series
In: Interruptions
World Affairs Online
In: SUNY series, interruptions--border testimony(ies) and critical discourse
In: SUNY Series, INTERRUPTIONS : Border Testimony(ies) and Critical Discourse/s
Intro -- Intellectuals at a Crossroads -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- List of Abbreviations -- Foreword by Merle Goldman -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: Toward a Political Sociology of China's Intellectuals -- Four Types of Intellectuals and Four Political Roles -- The Ideological Foundations of Intellectuals' Political Roles -- Ethical Dilemmas Facing Intellectuals -- The Chinese Intellectual: A Typology -- Conclusions -- 2. From Uniformity to Fragmentation: Intellectuals in the Mao Era (1949- 1976) and in the First Deng Period (1977-1989) -- A High Degree of Uniformity with Limited Resistance: The Mao Era (1949-1976) -- The Beginning of Fragmentation: The First Deng Period (1977-1989) -- Conclusions -- 3. Critical Intellectuals -- The Social Environment after 1989 -- The Critical Intellectual Discourses -- The Democracy Movement -- Other Social Critics: Some Examples -- Conclusions: The Politics of Critical Intellectuals -- 4. Bourgeoisified and Professionalized Intellectuals -- The Bourgeoisification of Intellectuals -- The Professionalization of Intellectuals -- 5. Social Class and Organic Intellectuals -- Class and the Class Structure in Formation -- Organic Intellectuals -- Conclusions: Contradictory Class Locations of Organic Intellectuals -- 6. Intellectuals as a Class -- Are Intellectuals a Class? -- Chinese Intellectuals as a Class -- The Elitist Flaw of the Intellectual Class -- Conclusions -- 7. Summary and Conclusion: The Future of China's Intellectuals -- The Changing Politics of China's Knowledge Workers -- The Future of China's Intellectuals -- Appendix: A Note on the Concept of the Intellectual -- Transition from Literati to Intellectuals: The Chinese Story -- Transition from Philosophers to Intellectuals: The Western Story -- Definitions of the Modern Intellectual -- Notes -- Preface.
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 27, Heft 110, S. 295-311
ISSN: 1469-9400
This article argues that dominant political thinking during the Cultural Revolution supported antagonistic and fallacious logic, dictatorial, dehumanizing and violent thoughts and behavior in the service of purism and a fundamentalist ideology. It traces these views back to the Party's earlier history and to human history in general. Using Pingzhou county, Shanxi province, as an example, the article focuses on the development of these attitudes during the land reform campaign of the 1940s, and their culmination in the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. The evidence is based on local archival and interview data regarding these two events. Understanding the origin and development of Cultural Revolution thinking has important implications for understanding events in China today. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 27, Heft 110, S. 295-311
ISSN: 1469-9400
In: Journal of Chinese political science, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 511-512
ISSN: 1874-6357
In: China: CIJ ; an international journal, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 66-92
ISSN: 0219-8614
In: China: CIJ ; an international journal, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 66-92
ISSN: 0219-7472
This article examines the changes in ethnic and class politics before and after the handover of Macao in 1999. Even though the domination of Macao politics has largely transferred from the Portuguese and Macanese to the Chinese, the former two groups still retain much power in the legal arena. The Chinese upper class played an instrumental role in Macao politics before the handover and became fully dominant after 1999. For example, they have maintained a large presence on the Executive Committee and in the Legislative Assembly, successfully prevented further democratisation, and protected their interests by delaying the legislation of a minimum wage and barring the collective bargaining power of workers. The working class' main interests fall in the area of wage increases and protecting their jobs from imported labour. However, they would occasionally join forces with the middle-class movement for democratisation. This article uses statistical data from various sources and applies the critical approach in sociology, namely, historical-comparative analysis, to the study of ethnic and class politics. This analysis will shed light on a scarcely studied issue in Macao and its future prospects of democratisation. (China/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 21, Heft 73, S. 131-147
ISSN: 1469-9400
In: Journal of Chinese political science, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 229-230
ISSN: 1874-6357
In: Journal of Chinese Political Science, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 229-20
ISSN: 1080-6954