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Granting legal rights to groups in deeply divided societies is important and necessary, but the cost of awarding these rights—in terms of their negative impact on civil rights, and particularly on women's rights—are key issues affecting the politics and policy of diverse polities. The article explores the implications for Muslim women of applying minority autonomy in India. In parallel, it delves into India's policy of religious autonomy for minorities as viewed by the political and legal authorities, and through the eyes of different sectors of the minority community. Analyzing the complex construction of rights within a communalized polity, this article attempts to transcend the ongoing debate on the implications of Muslim Personal Law in India and suggests policy directives aimed at empowering minority women. The Indian case provides a constructive microcosm for studying these tensions comprehensively and comparatively, and holds important lessons for other multicultural societies worldwide.Related Articles
Harel‐Shalev, Ayelet. 2009. "." Politics & Policy 37 (): 951‐970. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00206.x/abstract

Pearson‐Merkowitz. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 258‐295. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00349.x/abstract

Sisk, Timothy D. 1992. "." Southeatern Political Review 20 (): 1‐27. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00206.x/abstract
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. 2006. "." Government of India. http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/upload_files/moma/files/pdfs/sachar_comm.pdf

Nayar, Usha. 2009. "." Government of India, Department of Women and Child Development (DWCD). http://www.jeywin.com/wp‐content/uploads/2009/12/An‐Analytical‐Study‐of‐Education‐of‐Muslim‐Women‐and‐Girls‐in‐India.pdf

In a bilingual or multilingual society, certain sectors may be regarded as disloyal should they speak the language of state enemies or be associated in one way or another with neighboring hostile countries. Within this framework, the present article analyzes how two deeply divided democracies, India and Israel, determined and implemented language and educational policies with respect to two major minority languages, Urdu and Arabic. A comparison is conducted between the policies of secular democratic India, regarding Urdu, a language of its Muslims minority, and of Israel, an ethnic democracy, regarding Arabic, the language of its Arab‐Palestinian minority. The findings indicate that both states have consigned the minority language to a marginal position on the public stage. Moreover, albeit that a certain level of autonomy in the educational sphere is given to the minority, the educational status of the minority is markedly low in comparison to the majority.En una sociedad bilingüe o multilingüe, ciertos sectores pueden ser considerados como desleales si hablan el idioma de estados enemigos o fueran asociados de una u otra forma con países vecinos hostiles. Dentro de este marco, el presente artículo analiza como dos democracias sumamente divididas, India e Israel, determinaron e implementaron las políticas lingüisticas y educacionales de los dos más importantes idiomas minoritarios, el Urdu y el Árabe, respectivamente. Se lleva a cabo una comparación entre las políticas de la democracia secular de India, en lo que respecta al Urdu, un idioma de su minoría Musulmana, y de la democracia étnica Israelí, con respecto al Árabe, el idioma de su minoría Árabe‐Palestina. Las conclusiones indican que ambos estados han consignado el idioma minoritario a una posición marginal en el escenario de la vida pública. Además, el status educativo de la minoría es considerablemente bajo en comparación con el de la mayoría, aunque un cierto nivel de autonomía en la esfera educacional es dado al idioma.

This article deals with the quality of Israel's democracy from the perspective of what it views as the fundamentally hybrid nature of the Israeli regime. From its inception, Israel has been committed to two seemingly conflicting sets of values, one universal (reflected in democratic institutions, practices and ideals) and the other particularistic (reflected in national institutions benefitting a segment of the Israeli population). This article examines the most recent trends in Israel's constitutional order, including its political culture and especially its legal developments, and their potential impact on the quality of the democratic order in the country. It points out the threats for the existing, imperfect balance between the traditional albeit contradicting commitments of the Israeli society, state and regime, which might push the country toward a hegemonic order.

Drawing on interviews with 100 women soldiers about their experiences in combat, this book asks what insights are gained when we take women's experiences in war as our starting point instead of treating them as "add-ons" to more fundamental or mainstream levels of analysis, and what importance these experiences hold for an analysis of violence and for security studies. The book provides different perspectives about why it is important to explore women in combat, what their experiences teach us, and how to consider soldiers and veterans both as citizens and as violent state actors--an issue with which scholars are often reluctant to engage. Breaking the Binaries in Security Studies raises methodological and theoretical considerations about ways of evaluating power relations in conflict situations and patriarchal structures.

Wars, combat, and political developments triggered the study of trauma. Knowledge about trauma initially emerged from the experiences of men combatants in the battlefield. At a later stage, the study of trauma focused on women and children subject to violence and abuse. The current research suggests that additional aspects of trauma can be understood through the study of competent women exposed to traumatic events and not merely as victims of war or abuse. The study offers an analysis of women combatants' narratives of their exposure to traumatic events in conflict zones. Data were obtained from two focus groups and a series of 30 personal interviews of women veterans who served in the IDF. Interviewing women combat soldiers revealed a variety of narratives of their war experiences, including the intertwining of the emotional and the physical. The window to understanding the trauma was opened by analysis of the responses of the women combatants to potentially traumatic events rather than by focusing on post‐traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) per se. We emphasize the need for a critical perspective in the study of trauma and combat trauma and propose that there is value in engaging with and listening to diverse narratives of trauma.