Suchergebnisse

Wallerstein is, understandably, a popular thinker in middle- and lower-income countries like Iran. Most of these places spent the past several generations strenuously cycling through a variety of governments, political ideologies and economic policies. A drawback of being a celebrity scholar is that complex ideas sketched across decades in books and articles are blurred into a Rorschach blot. The first step toward realizing the Leader's bold plan, an op-ed in the newspaper Donya-ye Eqtesad proclaimed, was strengthening the private sector. Mohammad Khoshchehreh, a former Ahmadinejad supporter turned sour, delighted in telling Fars that the Leader was not referring to 1980s wartime hangovers of autarky or self-sufficiency. The coordination required for such a scheme cannot rely on revolutionary rhetorical flourishes or a mercurial private sector. It demands not only organizational links between politicians, foreign investors and domestic brokers, but also the cooperation of newly educated Iranians themselves.

Giovanni Arrighi joined together questions of agrarian political economy with questions concerning the livelihoods of rural migrants and the fate of peasant communities as they dissipated. In this article, we apply Arrighi's concerns to the case of Iran to examine how processes of agrarian transformation link with trends in social stratification and upward mobility. First, we argue that land reform implemented during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi contributed to a heterogenous social differentiation of the Iranian peasantry. Second, we claim that the widening of access to credentials fostered by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic laid the tracks by which peasants and rural households could convert landholding assets into newly accessible forms of cultural capital. The benefits of these transformational processes, however, fell disproportionately to the rural middle strata created under the Pahlavi monarchy. Through the use of a new survey dataset, we show how pre-1979 land reform in Iran favoured segments of the peasantry, not for those who remained in rural agricultural production, but instead for those who utilized landholdings as a means to transfer status and opportunities to their children after the 1979 Iranian revolution.

To grasp what might exist beyond neoliberalism, we need to rethink the history of development before neoliberalism. This article makes two arguments. First, for poorer countries, processes of commodification which are highlighted as evidence of neoliberalism often predate the neoliberal era. Third World development policies tended to make social and economic life more precarious as a corollary to capital accumulation before neoliberalism as an ideology took hold. Second, the intense theoretical and discursive focus on neoliberalism has obscured a tangible shift towards de-commodification in much of the global South. The most salient examples today are state-led social assistance programs that have been implemented across the former Third World. These emerged not out of technocratic fixes from above but often out of political and social struggles from below. The rise and spread of these programs are not only in stark contrast to popular conceptions of a neoliberal reinforcement, but are also specifically targeted at social strata whose precarity commonly originated in developmental policies before the neoliberal era. Utilizing a database of 183 active flagship social assistance programs in 84 developing countries, we present macro-level quantitative evidence of the rise and spread of social protection policies over the past two decades in the global South. We then detail these programs for four middle-income countries—China, Brazil, India, and South Africa. To those who lament that the 2008 crisis has produced no Polanyian double movement, we argue that these state-driven social assistance policies are such a mechanism.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore and analyse the power dynamics and vested interest groups that shape the lack of evidence discourse, which is critical of the way evidence is produced within and for the sport for development (SFD) field. This examination recognises that an understanding of the dominant neoliberal context within which SFD is located is critical. Design/methodology/approach: Using a Foucauldian conceptual framework, power, knowledge and discourse relating to political actors in SFD - funders, policy makers, academics and sport development practitioners (SDPs) - are assessed. This paper addresses two key questions: How is the lack of evidence discourse constructed, and what is its impact? And whose interests are served in the interpretation, generation and reporting of evidence? Findings: This paper concludes that although in a Foucauldian sense power surrounding evidence is everywhere, the neo liberal context, which situates SFD, favours the privileging of evidence discourses associated with and derived from funding organisations, political and academic interest groups to the detriment of evidence discourses associated with SDPs. Clearly then there is a major tension concerning knowledge transfer, power and process, and the way that evidence can be used to inform practice. Originality/value: The paper attempts to highlight the power dynamics influencing the way evidence is produced within SFD and that much is needed to move the field forward in a more united approach for what counts as evidence for all political actors. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

Objective:In Northern Malawi, the duration of untreated psychosis (DUP) is longer than that in high-income countries. The reasons for the delay in help-seeking are not known, although studies show multiple reasons. This research was conducted to establish health care help-seeking behaviours and identify barriers that exist between service users and health care providers. The study also intended to establish the beliefs that clients and family members have regarding the causes of mental illness which profoundly shape help-seeking, care giving process and outcomes.Methodology:The study employed the exploratory phenomenological method, utilizing focus group discussions (FGDs) in the sampled population. The Health Belief Model and Disease Explanatory Models were conveniently chosen a priori by researchers to develop guide questions to explore clients' and carers' perceptions of the illness and their health care help-seeking behaviours.Results:Results show a bio-psycho-social inclination of disease causation and help-seeking behaviour. Causes of mental illness are understood in three categories, namely: physical/biological, psychological and socio-cultural. The majority of participants attributed mental illness to socio-cultural factors, with witchcraft, spirit possession and curses as main determinants. Causal perceptions also influenced help-seeking pathways. Many participants reported consulting traditional healers first, for diagnosis and to know who was responsible.Conclusion:In this study, it has been found that help-seeking is influenced by the understanding of the source of the illness – which has a bio-psychosocial inclination. The socio-cultural explanation of witchcraft and spirit possession is dominant and a determinant of help-seeking behaviour. While participants noted benefits to hospital treatment, barriers and bio-psychosocial in nature were also noted. Guardians and not clients hold the key to choice of treatment modality and therefore a potential ally in all treatment interventions promotive, preventive and curative. There is need for strengthening of a bio-psychosocial intervention model in the treatment of mental illness.

Scholars of agrarian change have long debated the nature of capitalist transition in the countryside, including whether the deepened interlinking of local, national, and transnational economic activities make past trajectories of agrarian transformation unlikely to reoccur in the present. This essay makes the case that Giovanni Arrighi's work has much to add to our understanding of the agrarian question in global historical perspective. We focus in particular on Arrighi's research on trajectories of change in the Calabrian region of southern Italy, and his essay "Capitalist Development in Hostile Environments." In this piece, Arrighi and co-author Fortunata Piselli develop two key insights. The first is that the pathways to capitalism are diverse, non-linear, and historically contingent such that within one country—or, in the case of Italy, a single subnational region—multiple trajectories can be found. The second is that the outcomes of capitalist transition vary based on a country's position in the international hierarchy of wealth, meaning that agrarian transformation is compatible with both economic development and underdevelopment. We describe the three methodological principles that enabled Arrighi to develop his analysis of capitalist transition and explain how the papers collected in this special issue reflect and extend the Arrighian approach to agrarian political economy.