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Focuses on the particular role of black feminist political scientists in interrogating the discipline & participating in community social justice movements. First, the professional & personal efforts of black feminist political scientists are described, highlighting a number of those as a means of clarifying their academic contributions. Second, the significance of these contributions is scrutinized along with the toll taken on these scholars themselves. It is to be noted that not all black female political scientists are specifically feminist, nor is black feminist research solely defined by the scholarship of black women. References. K. Coddon

What is the best way to understand black political ideology? Just listen to the everyday talk that emerges in public spaces, suggests Melissa Harris-Lacewell. And listen this author has--to black college students talking about the Million Man March and welfare, to Southern, black Baptists discussing homosexuality in the church, to black men in a barbershop early on a Saturday morning, to the voices of hip-hop music and Black Entertainment Television. Using statistical, experimental, and ethnographic methods Barbershops, Bibles, and B.E.T offers a new perspective on the way pub

This piece confronts a serious deficiency in the literature on racial politics. The defining works of White racial attitudes fail to grapple with the complexities of African American political thought and life. In these studies, Black people are a static object about which White people form opinions. This article offers a critique of the field of race politics by outlining the con-sequences of a failure to seriously include African Americans in theoretical and empirical analyses of American race.

Barack Obama won the 2004 U.S. Senate race in Illinois, becoming the only current Black senator and only the fifth in history. This election generated particular interest in the study of race and elections because Obama's challenger, Alan Keyes, is also Black. The race was the first involving two Black men representing the major political parties in a Senate election. The election provides an opportunity to pursue the dynamics of race, religion, identity, and electoral choice. The authors ask how various racial and religious cues framing Obama and Keyes influenced voters' perceptions and assessments. They analyze data from embedded experiments in a survey of Black and White voters in Illinois and examine the significance of stimuli framing the candidates by race and religion and the effect those treatments had in eliciting racial group consciousness and altering candidate evaluations. They present the results of models estimating the effects of various influences on attitudes and behaviors in the race.

In the year 2000, nearly 30% of African American respondents to a national survey expressed the belief that Blacks are doing better economically than Whites. There is no evidence to suggest that African Americans are in a better economic position than Whites. Striking gaps in income, employment, and wealth continue to distinguish Black economic reality. Why, then, did some African Americans misperceive racial economic fortunes in the late 90s? This article explores the possibility that the answer lies, in part, with Black attitudes toward Bill Clinton. This study uses measures of Black public opinion toward economic issues in five different surveys from 1984 to 2000. Using data drawn from these five surveys, we explore African American perceptions of personal economic situation, racial economic well-being, national economic improvement, and the comparison in economic position of the racial groups and ask why some African Americans misperceive these realities.