Suchergebnisse

Against the backdrop of 2016 terrorist attack in Dhaka, this article argues that in the terrain of Bangladeshi literatures on migration, little is explored about the impact of south–south migration in unleashing security threat to Bangladesh. This article offers a historic trajectory of south–south migration and security threat to Bangladeshi state. It argues that while it is important to understand migration from various point of views, scholars have ignored to explore the nexus between migration and security threat of the sender state. This article explains why to some Muslim migrants of Bangladesh, bad ideas such as terrorism may seem to form an option and how globalisation played a role in fostering bad ideas. It proposes that scholars of migration require to indulge in further research to understand the nexus between outward migration and security threat to Bangladesh.

This article traces the formation of the secular in Bangladesh during the period of 1947–71. Arguably, this is a period when the idea of a 'secular Bengali nation' as opposed to 'Islamic Pakistani nationalism' was coined in by the political forces to foster imagination of a Bengali root of East Pakistan. This article argues with multiple evidence that particular project of secular Bengali nationalism in the sense of strict separation of religion and politics as opposed to religious nationalism makes little sense in contemporary Bangladesh as major parties here are found to manipulate religious nationalism in a society where simplistic and unenlightened interpretation of religion plays a significant role. This article argues that the idea of secular nationalism had multiple meanings and roots during 1947–71 and by acknowledging diverse roots of secular nationalism, it is possible to make sense of contemporary Bangladesh that is by all secular indicators turned into an intolerant entity but at the same time it is equally important to note that Bangladesh's intolerance is devoid of enlightened application and teaching of Islam.

Attempting to scale Mount Everest is a very recent sporting activity for Bangladeshis. Presently, four Bangladeshis (two men and two women) have hoisted the flag of Bangladesh, a country ranked consistently low on global governance and development indices, over the peak of Everest. In the aftermath, these mountaineers have become 'sources of national inspiration' and received national media attention and have been associated with politicians and civil society groups. In other words, they become national heroes – powerful symbols of nationalism – in recognition of their 'heroic' achievement of hoisting the flag at the top of the world. My thesis is that, in Bangladesh, Everest climbing has political significance as these mountaineers use their public platform to criticise national politics. Even hoisting the flag at the top of the world (after risking own lives) can be used as a way to express dissatisfaction over the country's politics.

This paper looks into the historic development of political Islam in Bangladesh, the third largest Muslim country of the world. Identifying origins and sociology of Bengali Muslims, this paper finds that development of political Islam took place in Bangladesh mainly in four phases: the Turkish war and the founding of the Khilafat movement during the First World War; the Oil crisis in the 1970s and the boost of Islamic institutions and practices in Bangladesh's political discourse, mainly supported by the Middle Eastern countries; the Soviet–Afghanistan war and its linkage with Bangladeshi radicals in the 1990s; and by the globalization of war between Al-Qayeda and West and its implication on Bangladesh through the rise of extreme groups.

Journalists are currently facing a multitude of threats. Commonly, these are considered in terms of harassment and bodily harms such as incarceration and murder of journalists. In the Bangladeshi case we argue that the parameters for evaluating what constitutes safety for journalists go beyond conventional wisdom. On the basis of in-depth interviews of 23 Bangladeshi journalists, we argue that the concept of journalists' safety has three intertwined dimensions. First, journalists' safety incorporates avoiding bodily harm (imprisonment, enforced disappearance, and so forth), and harassment, as well as economic and career threats. Second, in order to remain safe, journalists undertake various tactics including compromising the objectivity of news in a regime where security apparatus and pro-government journalists work in tandem to surveil and intimidate non-partisan journalists. Third, the tactics used by journalists decrease public faith in the media and the media can no longer play a watchdog role. We argue that one needs to reconceptualize the safety of journalists within these three intertwined dimensions.

Journalists are currently facing a multitude of threats. Commonly, these are considered in terms of harassment and bodily harms such as incarceration and murder of journalists. In the Bangladeshi case we argue that the parameters for evaluating what constitutes safety for journalists go beyond conventional wisdom. On the basis of in-depth interviews of 23 Bangladeshi journalists, we argue that the concept of journalists' safety has three intertwined dimensions. First, journalists' safety incorporates avoiding bodily harm (imprisonment, enforced disappearance, and so forth), and harassment, as well as economic and career threats. Second, in order to remain safe, journalists undertake various tactics including compromising the objectivity of news in a regime where security apparatus and pro-government journalists work in tandem to surveil and intimidate non-partisan journalists. Third, the tactics used by journalists decrease public faith in the media and the media can no longer play a watchdog role. We argue that one needs to reconceptualize the safety of journalists within these three intertwined dimensions.