Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- Laskar Pembela Islam -- Laskar Jihad -- Laskar Mujahidin Indonesia -- Anti-Americanism -- Political Islam After the New Order -- The Focus of the Study -- Methodological Notes -- The Structure of the Book -- The Expansion of "Salafis" -- Islamic Reform in Indonesia -- Saudi Arabian Geopolitics -- Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia -- Islamic Activism on the Campus -- Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Bahasa Arab -- A New Type of Middle Eastern Graduate -- The Salafi Foundations -- Post-Gulf War Drift -- The Rise of Ja'far Umar Thalib -- Hadrami Background -- Persis Legacy -- Afghan Experience -- Pesantren Al-Irsyad Tengaran -- Revitalizing the Yemeni Connection -- The Sururiyya Issue -- The Periodical Salafy -- The Ihyaus Sunnah Network -- Toward Political Mobilization -- Transition to Democracy -- The Opening of Institutional Access

This paper will look at how the explosion of militant religious activism and violence against minorities in post-Suharto Indonesia is embedded in the state's failure to apply a proper management of religious diversity and civic pluralism. In the bottom of this issue lies controvertial Law No. 1 of 1965 on the prevention of the abuse or insulting of a religion, known as the Blasphemy Law. Debates have abounded on the extent to which the Law has transgressed the principles of religious freedom guaranteed by the Indonesian Constitution. This paper will thus also examine petitions filed by human rights activists and civil society organizations to demand judicial reviews of the Law before the Constitutional Court[Artikel ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana militansi aktifis agama dan kekerasan terhadap minoritas pasca Soeharto yang muncul akibat kegagalan Negara dalam mengelola keragaman agama dan pluralitas masyarakat. Dasar dari persoalan ini berpangkal pada kontroversi UU No. 1 Tahun 1965 tentang Pencegahan Penyalahgunaan dan/atau Penodaan Agama atau yang dikenal dengan UU Pencemaran Agama. Perdebatan yang panjang telah mengarah pada pelanggaran prinsip hukum mengenai jaminan kebebasan agama oleh konstitusi. Artikel ini juga akan membahas petisi yang diajukan oleh aktifis HAM dan ornop untuk mengajukan judicial reviews ke Mahkamah Konstitusi.]

Despite the attempts made by radical Islamists to engulf the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by promoting mandatory implementation of shari'a law and jihad, Indonesia has witnessed a new trend in the discourses, actions and movements that seek to push Islam into the center stage. The strategy of implementing the shari'a from below, promoting da'wa (Islamic proselytizing) and non-violent endeavors has been appealing and considered more appropriate to deal with the current situations. There is reason to believe that Indonesia today is in the throes of a post-Islamist path. A sort of synthesis between the call for Islam's importance for public life and democracy, post-Islamism has emerged to be an alternative to Islamist radicalism. Through its endeavour to fuse religiosity and rights, faith and freedom, as well as Islam and liberty, this post-Islamist alternative has enabled Muslims to express their religious beliefs and practices,without plunging into violence and joining a cycle of militancy.

Dhikr akbar has developed into a performance that provides the opportunity for the sharing of political ideas, thus helping to constitute and negotiate a new public sphere. It is one of the most remarkable developments in the public visibility of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia. Involving reflexive actions which are significant in the construction of personal and social identity, the dhikr akbar has the ability to silently invoke relations, actions, symbols, meanings and codes, and also to bind in one symbolic package changing roles, statues, social structures and ethical and legal rules. An active religiosity which takes the form of peaceful, esoteric expressions, the dhikr akbar represents a new sense of piety. To some extent, it can be conceptualized as an alternative to religious fundamentalism, an outward-oriented activism tempted to change the society or existing system with one based on religion. Normally performed in a cultural space which attracts public esteem, it serves as a concentrated moment of communality and expression of a community's faith and, at the same time, a means of empowering political, social and economic networks.[Dhikr Akbar berkembang menjadi 'panggung' di mana gagasan politik dapat disemai, karena itu berperan dalam mengokohkan dan menegosiasi ruang publik baru. Dhikr Akbar adalah salah satu bentuk ritual Islam di ruang publik yang berkembang pasca Orde Baru. Melalui aktifitas reflektif yang berperan dalam pembentukan identitas personal dan sosial, dhikr akbar mampu memunculkan relasi, aksi, simbol, makna, dan kode, sekaligus untuk mempertemukan kesemuanya dalam satu bentuk simbol peran yang berubah, status, struktur sosial, dan etika serta aturan hukum. Sebagai satu bentuk religiusitas aktif yang berbentuk corak Islam yang tenang dan berorientasi pada dimensi dalam-esoteris, dhikr akbar dapat disebut pula sebagai satu bentuk kesalehan baru. Bentuk kesalehan dapat juga merupakan bentuk keagamaan yang berbeda dengan fundamentalisme, yang berorientasi pada aktifisme dimensi luar dengan tujuan merubah masyarakat atau sistem yang berlaku dengan sistem yang dianggap Islami. Dhikr akbar yang biasanya diselenggarakan di ruang budaya menarik perhatian masyarakat. Kegiatan ini menjadi aktifitas yang mampu menyatukan komunalitas dan ekspresi agama serta pada saat yang sama, mempertemukan jaringan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi.

Islamic symbols have flourished in the public spaces of Indonesian provincial towns after Suharto. This phenomenon has occurred in parallel with the significant shifts in the social, economic and political fields, which is tied to the mounting impact of Islamization, social mobility, economic growth, and democratization occurring among town people. It is as if we see a parallel move between Islamization, modernization, globalization and democratization. Key concepts associated with these trends are appropriated with those rooted in tradition and local culture to inform the whole dynamics of Indonesian provincial towns today. The key player in this process is the new middle class, who look to Islam for inspiration both to claim distinction and social status and to legitimize their consumptive lifestyle. They are newly pious who act as active negotiators between the global and the local as well as the cosmopolitan centre and the hinterland. They also play a pivotal role as an agency that liberalizes religion from its traditionally subservient, passive and docile posture by turning it into a source of moral legitimacy and distinction to represent a modern form of life. Given its intimate relationship with locality, tradition, modernity as well as globalization, Islam has increasingly assumed a greater importance for local politics. Political elites have used Islamic symbols for the instrumental purpose of extending their political legitimacy and mobilizing constituency support, in a political environment of open competition and increased public participation in decision making. In this process religious symbols have irrefutably been distanced from their religious moorings and narrow, Islamist understandings, in favor of pragmatic political purposes.

This paper examines the rising tide of ethno-religious conflicts and Islamic radicalism in the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia. In the climate of Reformasi that heralded freedom of expression, ethnic and religious violence flared up in various regions of Indonesia, threatening a society apparently imbued with a culture of tolerance based on harmonious inter-ethnic and inter-faith relations. In a flurry of conflicts, a number of militant Muslim groups arose and engulfed the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by calling for jihad and other violent actions. The rise of the groups gave a remarkable boost to the explosion of militant religious discourses and activism that threaten Indonesia's reputation for practising a tolerant and inclusive form of Islam and threaten, too, the integrity of the Indonesian nation-state as well. Against the backdrop of the state–Islam relationship in the New Order, this paper looks at how this phenomenon is embedded in the state's failure to manage properly religious diversity and civic pluralism. In the context of mounting competition among elites, religion has become tremendously politicised and has served more as a tactical tool used by political contenders in their own interests. Herein lies the importance of the proper management of religious diversity as a mechanism to guarantee individual freedoms and maintain the rights of religious minorities.

Sejak revolusi Iran meletus tahun 1979, perhatian para sarjana terhadap gejolak Islam politik yang terjadi di berbagai belahan dunia Islam terus meningkat. Revolusi ini tak hanya mengirimkan sinyal kekuatan nyata Islam politik, tetapi sekaligus mentransformasikan mimpi dan menyediakan blueprint bagi pendirian negara Islam. Memang, dunia Islam pasca-revolusi Iran menyaksikan letupan-letupan demonstrasi dan gairah menggebu-gebu menuntut reposisi peran Islam di dalam lanskap politik kenegaraan. Islam ditegaskan bukan sekadar agama, tapi juga ideologi politik. Dengan dasar ideologi tersebut negara Islam, atau setidaknya masyarakat Muslim yang taat syariah, dapat dibangun. Dibingkai dalam slogan kembali kepada apa yang dipahami sebagai model Islam yang murni–Quran, sunnah Nabi, dan praktik-praktik generasi awal Muslim—tuntutan itu mengejawantah ke dalam berbagai dimensi, dari penegasan identitas parokhial sampai usaha merekonstruksi masyarakat atas dasar prinsip-prinsip keislaman.