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AbstractThis paper discusses the sociological lessons learnt from the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant accident that occurred on 11 March 2011. This disaster is the second largest nuclear accident after the Chernobyl accident. Meltdown and explosions occurred because of the hydrogen released from the damaged core. A large amount of radioactive materials has been released. Many people, around 150 000, are still in evacuation by government order or by their own choice. The incident has several characteristics. First, it is the first severe accident of a nuclear power station, the complex disaster being triggered by a large earthquake and tsunami. Second, the four reactors were simultaneously endangered. Third, the uncontrolled situation of the melted‐down reactors has continued for more than 9 months. Fourth, it is the first severe accident of a nuclear power plant on the coast. Scientists are worried about serious contamination of seawater and damages to the ecosystem. This accident is a human disaster which an electric company and the national government are very much responsible for due to a series of "underestimates," such as that of the height of a possible tsunami, the possibility of a "station blackout" and lengthy periods of no AC power. A lot of confusing and misleading information, along with the deliberate concealment of information and delay in information disclosure occurred. Located in the background of all of this is the "Atomic Circle," a very closed relationship between politicians, government, academics, industry and the media. We should try and learn from all of this in building a post‐nuclear East Asia. This would be the greatest lesson from the tragic Fukushima disaster and the greatest message to East Asia, the world and future generations.

AbstractThis paper outlines the life and academic accomplishments of the largely internationally unknown but foremost innovative and leading sociologist of Japan considered as the "unknown master" of Japanese sociology, Tamito Yoshida. (i) Emphasizing originality and creativity, Yoshida's success was free from the existing sociological frameworks and he liberated theoretical study from the yoke of historical perspectives that had long governed Japanese theoretical sociology. (ii) Yoshida's uniform scientific approach that used the keywords of information, selection, and variation based on evolutionist ideas was consistent throughout his life from proposing the "design of information science" in his mid‐thirties to proposing the concept of "program sciences" in his later years. (iii) One of Yoshida's major sociological contributions was in identifying the close relationship between subjectivity and the structure of possession. (iv) Yoshida's "A Historical Perspective on the Forces and Relations of Production" is an original and critical re‐creation of the Marxist possession theory located within his own theoretical framework, and is an excellent critique of the central arguments of Marxism. It successfully illustrates Yoshida's superlative critical and creative skills of theoretical dialogue.

Abstract  Among advanced industrialized countries, only the Japanese government has a plan to construct an additional twenty nuclear power plant by 2010. Why does the government adhere so aggressively to a pro‐nuclear policy? Recently, the government has stressed nuclear power for global climate protection. This paper criticizes Japanese climate protection policy from a sociological point of view and searches the political and social background of the policy, focusing on: (4 the characteristics and structure of the global warming issue, (b) the political opportunity structure of the decision making process at the national level, (c) the role of NGOs, (d) the international context and (el countermeasures at the municipal level.

Abstract  In contrast with skepticism in most western advanced countries, recent east Asian countries share pro‐nuclear energy policy. Using my scheme of "the enlarged political process model" and qualitative data from my case studies in Japan and the United States, this paper analyzes the main characteristics of the nuclear energy issues and citizens' movements in both countries.Four historical stages of anti‐nuclear energy movement in Japan are analyzed focusing on main actors, issues, value orientation and mode of action. The socio‐political reasons for the failure in gaining more wide‐spread political influence in the last three stages are examined.In the US, a more decentralized and relatively open system pushed movements toward an instrumental and policy‐oriented posture. Especially in California in recent years, in collaboration with state regulatory agencies and electrical utilities. environmental groups were the major influence on changes in the management of utilities for the post nuclear era, by stressing energy efficiency and exploring renewable energy resources.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- 1 Cosmopolitan governance to transboundary air pollution in East Asia -- Part I Air pollution politics in East Asia -- 2 Politics of air pollution: how fine dust has become a politicized issue in Korea -- 3 The sovereignty of air pollution? The political ecology of particulate matter -- Part II Regional and transboundary air politics -- 4 China's transboundary pollutants and Taiwan's air politics -- 5 Asymmetric barriers in atmospheric politics of transboundary air pollution: a case of particulate matter (PM) cooperation between China and South Korea -- 6 Atmospheric environment management regime building in East Asia: limitation of imitating the convention on long-range transboundary air pollution and current new development -- Part III National air pollution battles -- 7 Air quality injustice in Taiwan: just transition as the next chapter of environmental governance in post-developmental states -- 8 Air quality governance in China: authoritarian environmentalism and the coal-to-gas switch campaign -- 9 Social history of air pollution in Japan: focusing on the second stage caused by automobiles -- Part IV Contested risk constructions of air pollution -- 10 The individualization of responsibility for transboundary air pollution in Korea -- 11 Science in air pollution politics: school allocation and regulatory control disputes on SNCC, Taiwan -- 12 Rethinking the sources of air pollution and urban policies in Hong Kong -- Index.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- 1 Introduction -- PART I Framework of climate change governance in Asian countries -- 2 Climate change governance in Japan: critical review on Japan's INDC and its energy policy -- 3 Climate change governance in Taiwan: the transitional gridlock by a high-carbon regime -- 4 Climate change governance in Korea: focusing on the process of the establishment of its NDC -- PART II Risks and transition -- 5 Climate change governance in China: the role of international organisations in the Guangdong emission trading scheme -- 6 Governing climate knowledge: what can Thailand Climate Change Master Plan and climate project managers learn from lay northern Thai villagers? -- 7 Risk perceptions and attitudes toward national energy choices and climate change in Japan and European countries -- 8 Governing the climate-driven systemic risk in Taiwan - challenges and perspectives -- 9 Ecological modernization, new technologies and framing in the environmental movement: a climate change mitigation technology (CO 2 capture and storage) and its environmental risk -- PART III Local governance on climate change adaptation -- 10 Tracing sustainability transitions in Seoul governance: enabling and scaling grassroots innovations -- 11 Rethinking adaptation to climate change for the policy landscape of India -- 12 Disaster risk governance in northern Philippine communities: issues and prospects in climate change talks -- 13 Assessing climate governance of Tainan City through stakeholder networks and text mining -- Index.

AbstractSub‐national governments are a crucial non‐state actor for mitigating climate change. This importance has recently strengthened as increasing numbers of municipalities declare net‐zero carbon emission goals to support the Paris Agreement, often well ahead of national governments. In Japan, net‐zero declarations have also diffused widely, with nearly 800 declarations appearing in domino‐like fashion over 2019–2022. To elucidate the factors that propelled this rapid diffusion, we used an event‐history analysis based on data from a survey to develop an integrated statistical model. We then deepen understanding of diffusion mechanisms through seven brief case studies informed by interviews and document analysis. We find that the drivers of policy diffusion varied over time. During the early stage, internal factors drove the spread of declarations; namely participation in transnational city networks, endowed human and financial resources, and political leadership. But in later stages, diffusion was mostly propelled by external factors; namely declarations by neighboring cities and the affiliated prefectural government. Through these findings, we contribute to scholarship through two novel perspectives. First, we reveal the factors driving policy diffusion across both early adopters and the ordinary majority. Second, we show how the influence of well‐known factors can vary during different stages of policy diffusion.