Suchergebnisse

Do the poorest neighbourhoods receive the poorest environmental services? This paper explores whether local environmental service provision in the UK achieves 'territorial justice' with respect to deprived and nondeprived neighbourhoods within cities. Territorial justice is argued to pertain when the distribution of service provision to neighbourhoods reflects levels of need for the service. Focusing on the provision of street-level environmental services in four British local authorities, the paper shows that poor and better-off neighbourhoods have different levels of need for environmental services. It then examines whether the services provided are commensurate with variations in need, using observed cleanliness levels within the neighbourhoods to assess this. The author argues that—despite an increasing policy and practice focus on targeting public services towards deprived neighbourhoods in the UK—environmental service provision does not yet take full account of the complex needs of poor places, meaning that they tend to be dirtier than their more affluent counterparts.

There is concern that the 'localism' promoted by the UK Coalition Government will further empower the already powerful. This paper uses Bourdieu's theory of practice to theorise middle-class public service use. Building on a previous evidence review (Matthews and Hastings, 2013) it considers whether the habitus of the middle-classes enables them to gain disproportionate benefit from public services. Service provision is understood as a 'field' marked by a competitive struggle between social agents who embody class-based power asymmetries. It finds that engagement with the state is a classed practice producing benefits to those already empowered and that localism may exacerbate inequalities.

here is concern that the 'localism' promoted by the UK Coalition Government will further empower the already powerful. This paper uses Bourdieu's theory of practice to theorise middle-class public service use. Building on a previous evidence review (Matthews and Hastings, 2013) it considers whether the habitus of the middle-classes enables them to gain disproportionate benefit from public services. Service provision is understood as a 'field' marked by a competitive struggle between social agents who embody class-based power asymmetries. It finds that engagement with the state is a classed practice producing benefits to those already empowered and that localism may exacerbate inequalities.

There is concern that the 'localism' promoted by the UK Coalition Government will further empower the already powerful. This paper uses Bourdieu's theory of practice to theorise middle-class public service use. Building on a previous evidence review (Matthews and Hastings, 2013) it considers whether the habitus of the middle-classes enables them to gain disproportionate benefit from public services. Service provision is understood as a 'field' marked by a competitive struggle between social agents who embody class-based power asymmetries. It finds that engagement with the state is a classed practice producing benefits to those already empowered and that localism may exacerbate inequalities.

AbstractSince the late 1960s social policy scholarship has been concerned with the distribution of the resources or benefits across social gradients. This article presents a review of the literature on one mechanism by which inequity might be produced – activism by middle‐class service‐users enabling them to capture a disproportionate share of resources. The review used the methodology of realist synthesis to bring together evidence from the UK, the USA and Scandinavian countries over the past 30 years. The aim was to construct a 'middle‐theory' to understand how and in which contexts collective and individual activity by middle‐class service‐users might produce inequitable resource allocation or rationing decisions that disproportionately benefit middle‐class service‐users. The article identifies four causal theories which nuance the view that it is the 'sharp elbows' of the middle‐classes which confer advantage on this group. It shows how advantage accrues via the interplay between service‐users, providers and the broader policy and social context.

English
Neighbourhood regeneration initiatives in stigmatised estates have tended not to address the problem of stigma directly, but have largely assumed that an estate's reputation will improve as material conditions on the estate improve. This article demonstrates the tenacity of stigma even in estates where large-scale regeneration initiatives are underway. It then accounts for the persistence of stigma by providing evidence of how a problem image creates barriers to the spread of knowledge of change. The article concludes by exploring how area-based initiatives could build on this insight in order to develop effective approaches to challenging stigma, thus contributing to sustainable regeneration.

Neighborhood regeneration initiatives in stigmatized estates have tended not to address the problem of stigma directly, but have largely assumed that an estate's reputation will improve as material conditions on the estate improve. This article demonstrates the tenacity of stigma even in estates where large-scale regeneration initiatives are underway. It then accounts for the persistence of stigma by providing evidence of how a problem image creates barriers to the spread of knowledgeof change. The article concludes by exploring how area-based initiatives could build on this insight in order to develop effective approaches to challenging stigma, thus contributing to sustainable regeneration. 32 References. (Original abstract - amended)

A decade of austerity has amplified concern about who gets what from public services. The article considers the socio-economic and gendered impacts of cuts to local environmental services which have increased the need for citizens to report service needs and effectively 'co-produce' services. Via a case study of a UK council's decade of administrative data on citizen requests and service responses, the article provides one of the first detailed analyses of the unfolding impact of austerity cuts over time on public service provision. It demonstrates the impact of austerity across the social gradient, but disproportionately on the least affluent, especially women. The article argues for the importance of detailed empirical examination of administrative data for making visible, and potentially tackling, long standing inequalities in public service provision.