Suchergebnisse

Over the last 15 years, the locus of policymaking towards asylum seekers and refugees has shifted away from national governments and towards the European Union (EU) as the Common European Asylum Policy has developed. Most of the focus has been on the harmonization of policies relating to border control, the processing of asylum claims, and reception standards for asylum seekers. But this still falls far short of a fully integrated EU-wide policy. This article examines the basis upon which a joint EU policy can be justified. I then ask whether superior outcomes can be achieved by harmonization alone or if more centralized policymaking is necessary. I chart the progress of harmonization and burden-sharing in the development of the Common European Asylum System and explore its effects. I also study the political feasibility of deeper policy integration by analysing public attitudes in the European Social Survey. I conclude that deeper integration is both desirable and politically possible.

International migration is determined by both economic and political forces. This article examines the influence of economic, demographic and policy variables on British emigration to four principal destinations in two different eras. Before 1914 the economic and demographic forces that drove British emigration can be clearly identified. Had the same conditions applied in the post-Second World War period, mass emigration from Britain would have continued until the early 19905. But from the mid-1960s these influences became less powerful as they were increasingly inhibited by immigration policies in the principal destination countries. The long-term decline in emigration is largely accounted for by shifts in policy, especially those that curtailed or abolished the preferences previously extended to settlers from the UK.

International migration is determined by both economic and political forces. This article examines the influence of economic, demographic and policy variables on British emigration to four principal destinations in two different eras. Before 1914 the economic and demographic forces that drove British emigration can be clearly identified. Had the same conditions applied in the post-Second World War period, mass emigration from Britain would have continued until the early 19905. But from the mid-1960s these influences became less powerful as they were increasingly inhibited by immigration policies in the principal destination countries. The long-term decline in emigration is largely accounted for by shifts in policy, especially those that curtailed or abolished the preferences previously extended to settlers from the UK.

Over the last three decades the annual number of applications for asylum in the countries of the European Union has increased from about 15 000 to more than 300 000. This has sparked a political backlash, a revolution in policy, a lively academic debate

Over the last three decades the annual number of applications for asylum in the countries of the European Union has increased from about 15 000 to more than 300 000. This has sparked a political backlash, a revolution in policy, a lively academic debate

Over the last 15 years, the locus of policymaking towards asylum seekers and refugees has shifted away from national governments and towards the European Union (EU) as the Common European Asylum Policy has developed. Most of the focus has been on the harmonization of policies relating to border control, the processing of asylum claims, and reception standards for asylum seekers. But this still falls far short of a fully integrated EU-wide policy. This article examines the basis upon which a joint EU policy can be justified. I then ask whether superior outcomes can be achieved by harmonization alone or if more centralized policymaking is necessary. I chart the progress of harmonization and burden-sharing in the development of the Common European Asylum System and explore its effects. I also study the political feasibility of deeper policy integration by analysing public attitudes in the European Social Survey. I conclude that deeper integration is both desirable and politically possible.

The United States Immigration Act of 1965 was followed by a steep upward trend in total immigration, and by a dramatic shift in the source-country composition away from Europe and towards Asia and Latin America. In this paper I ask if and how the 1965 Act generated these unanticipated consequences. The result was partly because of the pre-existing legislation and partly because of the admission of immigrants outside the terms of the Act. However, much of it was a result of the Act itself, and specifically because of family reunification effects that were larger, the poorer the source country.

This paper draws together, in the form of a survey, a number of different aspects of the United Kingdom's international migration experience since the Second World War. The areas covered include changes in the volume and composition of international migration and the factors influencing migration; the background to, and the development of, restrictions on immigration; and the links between immigration policy and race relations. This is followed by an examination of the education and labour market status of immigrants and ethnic minorities as compared with native- born whites. Results from recent econometric research on wage and employment differentials are presented and interpreted in the wider context. Finally, the possible effects of migration on the economy at large are briefly discussed.