Suchergebnisse

This article addresses theories and methods of writing biography with regard to Walter Benjamin's metaphor of »recognizing the image of the past as one's own concern«. The author reflects on »recognizing« herself in the historical image and in the work of Therese Schlesinger. Tracing the biography of the Jewish-Austrian feminist, social democrat and member of parliament, who was forced into exile by the National Socialist takeover in 1938, the author refuses to limit the reading of Schlesinger's biography to a single historicist narrative. Gabriella Hauch argues that we must look for narrative fissures and gaps to make visible the multi-dimensional tangle of cause and effect in biographical research. ; This article addresses theories and methods of writing biography with regard to Walter Benjamin's metaphor of »recognizing the image of the past as one's own concern«. The author reflects on »recognizing« herself in the historical image and in the work of Therese Schlesinger. Tracing the biography of the Jewish-Austrian feminist, social democrat and member of parliament, who was forced into exile by the National Socialist takeover in 1938, the author refuses to limit the reading of Schlesinger's biography to a single historicist narrative. Gabriella Hauch argues that we must look for narrative fissures and gaps to make visible the multi-dimensional tangle of cause and effect in biographical research.

The author bases her gender specific analysis of ehe party politics of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) and of the staging of the party's public appearances since the beginning of Jörg Haiders chairmanship in 1986 on two assumptions. She defines the FPÖ as a (national- or right-wing-) populist party and she focuses on situations of crisis as a common denominator in the development of populism and gender relations. Populist politics, just like gender relations, result and produce crises on different social levels, which are characteristic for the situation of Austrian society at the turn of the 21st century. The FPÖ is by tradition a male party, which has become apparent in the recruitment strategies for its leading elites in male Student corporations and the populist content of its politics, which concentrated on male-orientated topics such as hate of foreigners and public security. At the national elections this resulted in a voter-gender gap of 11 %. This means, that it were Austrian women, who in recent years prevented the FPÖ to become the largest party in Austria. The FPÖ tried to react with a variety of strategies: on the personal level women acquired in leading positions, and on the political level the FPÖ made the crucial specifically female contradiction, namely to integrate jobs and familywork, one of the focal points of their campaigns. By doing so they tried, even by recurring to countless contradictory arguments and demands, to maximize their female votes at all cost, which is one of the major characteristics of populism. ; The author bases her gender specific analysis of ehe party politics of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) and of the staging of the party's public appearances since the beginning of Jörg Haiders chairmanship in 1986 on two assumptions. She defines the FPÖ as a (national- or right-wing-) populist party and she focuses on situations of crisis as a common denominator in the development of populism and gender relations. Populist politics, just like gender relations, result and produce crises on different social levels, which are characteristic for the situation of Austrian society at the turn of the 21st century. The FPÖ is by tradition a male party, which has become apparent in the recruitment strategies for its leading elites in male Student corporations and the populist content of its politics, which concentrated on male-orientated topics such as hate of foreigners and public security. At the national elections this resulted in a voter-gender gap of 11 %. This means, that it were Austrian women, who in recent years prevented the FPÖ to become the largest party in Austria. The FPÖ tried to react with a variety of strategies: on the personal level women acquired in leading positions, and on the political level the FPÖ made the crucial specifically female contradiction, namely to integrate jobs and familywork, one of the focal points of their campaigns. By doing so they tried, even by recurring to countless contradictory arguments and demands, to maximize their female votes at all cost, which is one of the major characteristics of populism.

The construction of the bourgeois gender relations marked the political dimensions of the Revolution of 1848, which was accepted as a common project by contemporary free women and men. The analysis of the complexity of politics requires - in the sense of a "new political history" - not only the consideration of the socio-economic context, of legal structure contexts, but also of the social milieu and of social relations and life-stories. This article deals with gender-specific ambivalences of democratic politics in 1848 with a special focus on social networks, constituted by male and female activists. This makes clear that in the context of exceptional cases e. g. the revolution in Vienna women were able to cross the boundaries of the inability to participate in institutionalized politics often ascribed to women. The Wiener Demokratische Frauenverein (Viennese democratic women's club) was accepted within the democratic milieu as a equal partner and was integrated in the process of the creation of a central committee of the political clubs, the Zentralausschuß der politischen Vereine. ; The construction of the bourgeois gender relations marked the political dimensions of the Revolution of 1848, which was accepted as a common project by contemporary free women and men. The analysis of the complexity of politics requires - in the sense of a "new political history" - not only the consideration of the socio-economic context, of legal structure contexts, but also of the social milieu and of social relations and life-stories. This article deals with gender-specific ambivalences of democratic politics in 1848 with a special focus on social networks, constituted by male and female activists. This makes clear that in the context of exceptional cases e. g. the revolution in Vienna women were able to cross the boundaries of the inability to participate in institutionalized politics often ascribed to women. The Wiener Demokratische Frauenverein (Viennese democratic women's club) was accepted within the democratic milieu as a equal partner and was integrated in the process of the creation of a central committee of the political clubs, the Zentralausschuß der politischen Vereine.