Moderation or radicalisation? How executive power affects right-wing populists' satisfaction with democracy
In: Electoral Studies, Band 57, S. 31-45
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In: Electoral Studies, Band 57, S. 31-45
In: Comparative European politics, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 620-648
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: TfS = Norwegian journal of social research, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 249-251
ISSN: 1504-291X
In: Political behavior
ISSN: 1573-6687
AbstractPopulist radical right parties have become major forces in most Western democracies. Previous research has provided conflicting evidence on whether their electoral support can be explained by two structural developments: economic decline and increased immigration. Using time-series regression and almost 30 years of aggregated monthly polling data, we perform a novel test of the effects of economic decline and immigration on aggregate support for the Norwegian Progress Party. We find that the most beneficial time-periods for this party seem to be those of rising immigration and a booming economy. However, our findings also suggest that the effect of rising immigration is halted when the party holds government office. Thus, voter mobilization based on anti-immigration messages may represent a challenge for the Norwegian Progress Party and potentially other such parties going forward as they may become victims of their own success.
In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: TfS = Norwegian journal of social research, Band 63, Heft 3, S. 169-171
ISSN: 1504-291X
In: The international journal of press, politics, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 507-529
ISSN: 1940-1620
We investigate how inequalities in political media use develop throughout election campaigns, and in particular whether social media use helps counterbalance traditional news consumption gaps. Using a four-wave individual-level panel survey of the Norwegian 2017 national election campaign, we run a series of latent growth models to investigate whether differences in news consumption based on gender, age, education, and political interest increase or decrease during campaigns. We find that news consumption gaps are either stable or converge throughout the campaign. Importantly, social media provides political information to those groups that use traditional media channels the least and thereby reduce overall gaps in political media consumption. In this way, election campaigns, to some extent, equalize inequalities in political news consumption when it matters the most.
In: West European politics, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 969-990
ISSN: 1743-9655
SSRN
Working paper
In: Chapter in Handbook of Political Trust (2017), edited by Sonja Zmerli and Tom van der Meer (Cheltenham UK: Edward Elgar Publishing)
SSRN
In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: TfS = Norwegian journal of social research, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 78-79
ISSN: 1504-291X
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 31, Heft 5, S. 1420-1437
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 38, Heft 6, S. 731-750
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: TfS = Norwegian journal of social research, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 271-272
ISSN: 1504-291X
We investigate the often-stated, but disputed claim in the political science and political communication literature that increasing media choice widens inequalities in political knowledge. The assumption is that in a high-choice media environment, the politically interested will consume more news while the uninterested will avoid such content, leading, in turn, to widening differences in political knowledge. Although previous studies show that high media choice increases political knowledge gaps in the United States, comparative longitudinal evidence is currently lacking. To fill this gap, we draw on data from four rounds of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Overall, we do not find general support for the high-choice knowledge gap thesis. In most countries, there is no indication that inequality in political knowledge has increased over time. Building on recent insights from political communication research, we question key assumptions of the high choice knowledge gap thesis.
BASE
Formålet med denne boken er å analysere nyere norsk politisk historie fra et valg-. og velgerperspektiv. Bokens to første deler tar for seg sentrale utviklingstrekk hos velgere og politiske institusjoner i Norge siden 1945, mens bokens tredje del beskriver noen utvalgte hendelser som har formet den politiske utviklingen. Del 1 kaster lys over norsk politisk historie fra et velgerperspektiv. Kapitlene tar for seg sentrale utviklingstrekk hos norske velgere langs seks dimensjoner: velgeres dagsorden, politiske holdninger, sosiale bakgrunn, tilknytning til partiene, valgdeltakelse og tillit til det politiske systemet. Del 2 tar for seg de politiske institusjonene som velgerne bemyndiger: Stortinget, regjeringen og partiene; samt institusjonene som utgjør rammen som de demokratiske valgene skjer innenfor: valgordningen og mediene. De to første delene av boken er forfattet av noen av de fremste norske forskerne på hvert av disse områdene. I del 3 fortelles ulike deler av norsk etterkrigshistorie av politikere som selv var en del av historien. Kapitlene er skrevet av Kjell Magne Bondevik, Kristin Clemet, Anne Enger, Carl I. Hagen, Kristin Halvorsen, Rasmus Hansson og Tove Strand. Hvert av bidragene kaster nytt lys over og gir et personlig perspektiv på norsk politisk historie