Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Rescaling Urban Poverty -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Series Editors' Preface -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Part One Theory, Method, Context -- 1. Introduction and Theoretical Framework -- Urban Political Economy: For Homelessness? -- State Rescaling: The Central Concept of this Book -- Subcomponent 1: National States -- Subcomponent 2: Public and Private Spaces -- Subcomponent 3: Urban Social Movements -- The Method of Theorisation in this Book -- Step 1: Theory Making -- Step 2: Theory Specification -- Postcolonial Urban Theory -- Between Abstract and Concrete -- The Structure of this Book -- 2. Japanese Context and the Regulationist Ethnography -- Theory Specification 1: National States -- Theory Specification 2: Public and Private Spaces -- Theory Specification 3: Urban Social Movements -- Regulationist Ethnography -- Sites of Participatory Observation -- The Nature of Data -- Data on Homelessness -- Data on Regulation -- Data on Social Movements -- Subaltern Materials -- Conclusion -- Part Two National States and Public and Private Spaces -- 3. Scales of Societalisation: Integral State and the Rescaling of Poverty -- Theory and Its "Deviants" -- Theoretical Framework -- The Nationalised Space of Poverty Regulation -- Crises of the Nationalised Space of Poverty Regulation -- Rescaling -- Comparisons to Brenner's Meso Model -- Mobilising the Theory for Japan -- Nationalised Space of Poverty Regulation in Japan -- High Growth, c. 1950s-1972 -- 1970s World Crisis and Its Aftermath, c. 1973-1985 -- Bubble Economy, c. 1986-1991 -- Postbubble Crisis, c. 1992-2007 -- The World Financial Crisis, Mass Disasters, and Their Aftermath, c. 2008-2010s -- Overview -- New Regulatory Spaces in Japan -- New Regulatory Spaces -- Round One: Ground-Up Rescaling -- Round Two: Picking-Off Rescaling.

This paper aims to expand critical urban theory and spatialized political economy through developing a new, broad-based theoretical explanation of homelessness and the informal housing of the deprived in public spaces. After reviewing an important debate in geography, it systematicallyreasserts the relevance of class-related concepts in urban studies and, mobilizing post-determinist notions, it shows how a class-driven theory can inform the emergence of appropriating/differentiating/reconciliating agency from the material bedrock of urban metabolism and its society-integrating effect (societalization). The author weaves an urban diagnostic web of concepts by situating city-dwellers—classes with(out) housing—at the material level of metabolism and then in the sociopolitical dynamic of regulation, finding in the two realms urban class relations (enlisted within societalization) and agency formation (for reregulation, subaltern strategies, and potential rapprochement). The housing classes are retheorized as a composite category of hegemonic dwellers who enjoy housing consumption and whose metabolism thus appears as the normative consumption of public/private spaces. Homeless people are understood as a subaltern class who lacks housing consumption and whose metabolism can produce "housing" out of public spaces, in opposition to a hegemonic urban form practiced by the housing classes. These urban class relations breed homeless–housed divides and homeless regulation, and yet allow for agency's creative appropriation/differentiation/reconciliation. This paper avoids crude dichotomy, but it argues that critical urban theory can productively use this way of theorization for examining post-determinist urban lifeworlds in relation to the relative fixity of urban form, metabolic circuits, and class relations.

This paper investigates the labor-controlling orientation of the Japanese developmental state and its consequences today. Developmental state studies has given us a robust epistemological grid whereby we can make non-Western state formation intelligible. Yet, mainstream authors have tended to treat the working class as a mere appendage to state– business relations, relegating labor politics at the analysis of state– society relations. By using democratic Japan—a prime example of this sort of obfuscation—in combination with Marxian state theory, this paper outlines the difficulties, addresses them, and extends the scope of developmental state studies to labor. After identifying main tenets of the literature, the author constructs a theory of labor control as a stabilizer of relative state autonomy. The author applies this to Japanese labor movements since 1945 and interprets events and processes of labor oppression/regulation through which Japanese capitalism subsumed the working class under the aegis of the developmental state. Labor control, emerging out of an "exceptional state" (Poulantzas, 1974), evolved into a refined socio-relational system that insulated developmental goals from labor movements. This Japanese trajectory keenly mobilized big business and elite labor, which transformed labor control into a bilateral and then a tripartite league in defense of industrial policy and its deskilling/reskilling intervention. By the 1970s, this achieved the famous docility of Japanese labor. The historically constructed character of docile labor force was exploited once again when Japan made a neoliberal turn in its post-development phase.

After the 1970s the new urban poverty (NUP) ballooned in Japan and the US, and it evoked policy responses that produced new, rescaled regulatory spaces to contain the poor on the fringe of social rights and the capital circuit. The paper illuminates this process through the comparison of Japanese and US trajectories, both of which, evolving through economic crises, have established unique pathways. The author first constructs a theoretical framework based on Marxian, Polanyian, and Lefebvrean traditions. Then, he compares national-scale poverty regulation in Japan and the US from the 1950s through the 2000s. Lastly, the author examines how the countries' regulation of a major aspect of the NUP—homelessness—intensified multiscalar rescaling processes. The paper concludes that regulation of the NUP represents a significant instance of uneven spatial development of capitalism mediated by the state that requires synthetic research.

AbstractSince the late 1970s,AtlanticFordism has seen rising homelessness and ghettoization as the 'new urban poverty' (NUP) (Mingione, 1996). Despite some similarities, theNUPinJapan has a unique rhythm and spatial pattern. In order to exploreJapaneseNUP, this article develops an interpretation ofJapan's strategies to regulate poverty and homelessness during the last 50 years, paying particular attention to the spatial consequences of such strategies within majorJapanese cities. First, I theorize long‐term economic growth patterns as a basic parameter of poverty and homelessness regulation and present a periodization ofJapanese trends since the 1950s. Second, I analyze poverty inJapan and the transformation of national strategies of spatial regulation in the 1990s, when homelessness grew. Third, I examine the multi‐scalar processes through which new regulatory spaces of homelessness were produced in the 1990s and 2000s, when failures of post‐bubble crisis management ballooned inJapan. I argue that, through a dialectic between national/local rule‐setting and homelessness, theJapanese state fragmented the dominant scale of poverty regulation, rescaled the site of homeless regulation and contained homelessness in relatively autonomized cities. I conclude that, from the 1990s until the late 2000s,Japan's homelessness and its contradictions tended to be transferred to the spheres of urban workfare and urban policing, which I call new regulatory spaces of homelessness, that lie around the fringes of national social rights.

Japan has a standard framework for local communities, neighborhood associations, which request all households in the same residential district to belong to one community unit that plays a local management role through closely working with authorities. By framing a concept of 'societalization' in Bob Jessop's state theory using Neil Brenner's 'scaled' political economy project, we decipher Japanese neighborhood associations as a scaled strategy for community-oriented societalization. This strategy formally presents itself as 'voluntary' but asks all households to participate, and this 'compulsory' community norm was strong until the 1970s and 1980s. The renaissance of neighborhood associations after World War II gave Japanese developmental capitalism – a statist but democratic capitalism – a scaled and sociological platform for generating community-based social cohesion and upscaling this effect from the local to the national. After considering a sociological debate in Japan in the ambit of Gramscian and Lefebvrian regulationism, we argue that neighborhood associations became administratively versatile as they were standardized, functionalized, and nationalized until 1945; this past helped the Japanese developmental state – an integral state project – societalize state space from a micro unit of locality and propel statist development with grassroots consent; and progressive/radical voices advanced the democratization of the associations through local activism.