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Ming-sho Ho applies Marxist theoretical perspective to understand the postwar trajectory of Taiwan's state-sector workers. A global and comparative framework is used to examine the particularity of Taiwan's working class. It revises the stereotypical image of labor docility by showing ethnicity, party-state, and internal labor market produces intra-class divides and generates a variety of workers' resistance even under the repressive rule of one-party authoritarianism. The book looks at the rise of independent labor movement in the wake of political liberalization in the late 1980s. The similar current of social movement unionism of South Africa, South Korea and Brazil is also present in this oft-neglected case. Ho observes how labor activism gradually resides as democracy is consolidated and neo-liberalism becomes the new ideological hegemony.

In May 2017, Taiwan's Constitutional Court reached a landmark decision that marriage should be opened to same-sex couples within two years, making Taiwan potentially the first country in Asia to realize marriage equality. How can we explain the success of the LGBT movement here? I argue that explanations based on cultural proclivity, public opinion, and linkages to world society, are inadequate. This article adopts a "political process" explanation by looking at changes in the political context and how they facilitate the movement for marriage equality. I maintain that electoral system reform in 2008, the eruption of the Sunflower Movement in 2014, and the electoral victory of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, stimulated Taiwan's LGBT mobilization, allowing it to eventually overcome opposition from the church-based countermovement. (China Q/GIGA)

In this article, we analyze the process of institutional change in Taiwan's disability field by focusing on the role of social movements. An institutional perspective emphasizes how a particular logic in an organizational field generates formal and informal institutions that define how persons with disabilities are treated in a society. Before the 1990s, the charity model was dominant, and later it came to be challenged by the disability movement, which advocated for the social model. We argue that the transition to a social model was a major achievement by disability organizations, which successfully combined the dual roles of advocate and service provider. By making strategic use of welfare privatization in the 1990s, they were able to mobilize a series of lobbying campaigns. Their efforts culminated in the passing of the Physically and Mentally Disabled Citizens Protection Act in 1997, which marked the beginning of the social model in Taiwan. (JCCA/GIGA)