Suchergebnisse

The reform of the United States Immigration Act in 1965 transformed what Robert Bellah identified as "American civil religion" and one of its central components: America's unique religious pluralism. At midcentury, Will Herberg showed how religion functions in the creation of American identity through what we call here "passive pluralism." This passive pluralism allowed the mainline religions of America to claim a presence within the nation. But the new immigration patterns have created what the author calls here "active pluralism," which lays assertive claim to the meanings of public time and space. This argument is explored through the construction of an Orthodox Jewish ritual space or eruv in Los Angeles.

The reform of the United States Immigration Act in 1965 transformed what Robert Bellah identified as 'American civil religion' and one of its central components: America's unique religious pluralism. At midcentury, Will Herberg showed how religion functions in the creation of American identity through what we call here 'passive pluralism.' This passive pluralism allowed the mainline religions of America to claim a presence within the nation. But the new immigration patterns have created what the author calls here 'active pluralism,' which lays assertive claim to the meanings of public time and space. This argument is explored through the construction of an Orthodox Jewish ritual space or eruv in Los Angeles. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

A response to Ivan Strenski's (2003) application of French philosophical understandings of sacrifice & "the gift" to the context of Muslim "human bombers." Scrutiny of existing research on human bombers' motivations for performing such acts revealed that psychological pathological explanations are insufficient. Indeed, it is subsequently asserted that the notions of sacrifice & the gift render acts of human bombing more rational. An historical analysis of factors that prompted the emergence of human bombers amongst radical Islamic groups is then provided; indeed, it is stated that four developments contributed to the formation of radical Islamic groups in Israel during the 1970s & 1980s. Strenski's use of Emile Durkheim's understanding of religious sociology in comprehending the social & religious motivations for human bombing is welcomed. Moreover, Strenski is congratulated for accessing Raphael Israeli's work on radical Islamic groups to better understand the historical & social conditions that will produce acts of human bombing. J. W. Parker

This article explores the relationship between sacrality and sovereignty, between symbolic and material realities in Jerusalem's politics from the Six Day War of 1967 to the present and as Jerusalem moves toward the millennium. It begins with the Israeli efforts to separate the city's sacred places from political solutions and how this affects religious traditions and their communities in the city. It takes up the growing symbolic importance of Jerusalem for American evangelical Christians, then how the city functions as a ritual theater for Israeli and Palestinian politics, and, finally, how the city is doubly cleaved: between communities at the level of politics and within each community around the relationship between the political order and the religious order, especially since the signing of the Oslo accords and the defeat in 1993 of Jerusalem's longtime liberal mayor, Teddy Kollek, and his replacement by center-right Likud mayor Ehud Olmert.

Explores the relationship between sacrality & sovereignty, ie, between symbolic & material realities, in Jerusalem's (Israel) politics from the Six Day War of 1967 to the present & as Jerusalem moves toward the millennium. Efforts to separate the city's sacred places from political solutions are described, with attention to how this affects religious traditions & their communities in the city. Also addressed are the growing symbolic importance of Jerusalem for US evangelical Christians & how the city functions as a ritual theater for Israeli & Palestinian politics. Finally, it is discussed how the city is doubly cleaved between communities at the level of politics & in each community around the relationship between the political order & the religious order, especially since the signing of the Oslo accords & the defeat in 1993 of Jerusalem's longtime liberal mayor, Teddy Kollek, & his replacement by Center-Right Likud mayor Ehud Olmert. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Der palästinensische Widerstand hält sich vor allem in Jerusalem selbst. Hier weigerten sich die ansässigen Palästinenser schon seit der Annexion 1967, die Legitimität der israelischen Herrschaft in Wahlen oder anderweitiger Beteiligung anzuerkennen. Doch im Alltagsleben war der Austausch zwischen jüdischen und palästinensischen Stadtteilen zur Selbstverständlichkeit geworden. Seit Beginn der Intifada haben die palästinensischen Jugendlichen das gesamte Gebiet um Jerusalem zu Feindesland erklärt. Der Artikel beschreibt die Situation. (DÜI-Gbh)

Der Artikel analysiert die Situation auf israelischer und palästinensischer Seite neun Monate nach Beginn der Erhebung in den besetzten Gebieten. In beiden Lagern sind es vor allem konservative religiöse Bewegungen, die bei einem möglichen Kompromiß einen Bürgerkrieg riskieren würden, um eine Einigung zu verhindern. Seit dem Aufstand gibt es weder in Israel noch in Palästina eine stille gemäßigte Mehrheit, die Polarisierung ist durchgängig. Eine Lösung kann nach Meinung der Autoren nur von außen kommen, von den Vereinigten Staaten. (DÜI-Gbh)

Compelling historical and ethnographic account of the twentieth-century struggle for Jerusalem. The volume examines how Jerusalem is doubly divided, on the one hand between Israelis and Palestinians, each of whom ground their national identities in the city, as well as within each nation between those who put primacy in the democratic decisions of their nations and those who would yield to a higher divine law. Professors Friedland and Hecht explore how Jerusalem has figured as a battleground in conflicts over the relation between Zionism and Judaism and between Palestinian nationalism and Islam. Based on hundreds of interviews with powerful players and ordinary citizens over the course of a decade, this book evokes the ways in which these conflicts are experienced and managed in the life of the city