Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Governance, Power, and Elephants -- Chapter 3: Green Global Policy Assemblages -- Chapter 4: The Genesis of CBNRM as GGPA in Namibia -- Chapter 5: Climate Change: Local Challenges, Global Opportunities? -- Chapter 6: Assembled Governance from the Local to the Global Community -- Chapter 7: Development, Climate Change, and Green Global Policy Assemblages.
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La región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte (MENA) ha sido principalmente caracterizada por la presencia de regímenes autoritarios. Gran parte de las lecturas académicas tradicionales considera que muchos de estos regímenes son antidemocráticos y, por lo tanto, niegan la posibilidad de que estos regímenes puedan trabajar de manera significativa y efectiva hacia objetivos globales importantes. Al participar en un enfoque posdemocrático, este documento va más allá de lo que le falta a Marruecos en cuanto a principios y normas democráticas. En cambio, se centra en la acción beneficiosa que está tomando para combatir el cambio climático a nivel nacional y, en última instancia, trabajar con la comunidad internacional para contribuir a objetivos climáticos globales. Este documento explora las numerosas iniciativas que el régimen marroquí está emprendiendo a su propio ritmo, a la vez que analiza los actores clave en estas actividades, así como sus impulsos para hacerlo. En última instancia, se presentan datos para llegar a la conclusión de que, aunque el régimen marroquí esté llevando a cabo tales actividades, es en gran parte para consolidar y legitimar su propio poder, tomando medidas importantes que son beneficiosas para su propio pueblo y el resto del mundo. En este sentido, el régimen marroquí autoritario está combatiendo el cambio climático como un medio para mantener y reforzar su propio control sobre el poder en la región ; The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is one that is largely characterized by authoritarian regimes. Much traditional scholarship writes many of these regimes off as anti democratic, and hence negate the possibility to work meaningfully and effectively with these regimes toward important global goals. By engaging in a post-democratic approach this paper looks beyond what Morocco is lacking in the way of democratic principles and norms and instead focuses on the beneficial action it is taking to fight climate change domestically, and ultimately work with the international community to contribute to global climate goals. This paper explores the many initiatives the Moroccan regime is undertaking at its own behest, while exploring the key actors in these activities as well as the main impetus for doing so. Ultimately it builds data toward conclusions that although the Moroccan regime is doing this is large part to further solidify and legitimize its own power, it is simultaneously taking important actions that are beneficial to its own people as well as the rest of the world. In this sense the authoritarian Moroccan regime is combating climate change, as a means to maintain and bolster its own grip on power in the region
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is one that is largely characterized by authoritarianregimes. Much traditional scholarship writes many of these regimes off as anti democratic, and hencenegate the possibility to work meaningfully and effectively with these regimes toward important globalgoals. By engaging in a post-democratic approach this paper looks beyond what Morocco is lacking inthe way of democratic principles and norms and instead focuses on the beneficial action it is taking tofight climate change domestically, and ultimately work with the international community to contributeto global climate goals. This paper explores the many initiatives the Moroccan regime is undertaking atits own behest, while exploring the key actors in these activities as well as the main impetus for doingso. Ultimately it builds data toward conclusions that although the Moroccan regime is doing this is largepart to further solidify and legitimize its own power, it is simultaneously taking important actions thatare beneficial to its own people as well as the rest of the world. In this sense the authoritarian Moroccanregime is combating climate change, as a means to maintain and bolster its own grip on power in theregion.
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is one that is largely characterized by authoritarianregimes. Much traditional scholarship writes many of these regimes off as anti democratic, and hencenegate the possibility to work meaningfully and effectively with these regimes toward important globalgoals. By engaging in a post-democratic approach this paper looks beyond what Morocco is lacking inthe way of democratic principles and norms and instead focuses on the beneficial action it is taking tofight climate change domestically, and ultimately work with the international community to contributeto global climate goals. This paper explores the many initiatives the Moroccan regime is undertaking atits own behest, while exploring the key actors in these activities as well as the main impetus for doingso. Ultimately it builds data toward conclusions that although the Moroccan regime is doing this is largepart to further solidify and legitimize its own power, it is simultaneously taking important actions thatare beneficial to its own people as well as the rest of the world. In this sense the authoritarian Moroccanregime is combating climate change, as a means to maintain and bolster its own grip on power in theregion. ; La región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte (MENA) ha sido principalmente caracterizada por la presencia de regímenes autoritarios. Gran parte de las lecturas académicas tradicionales considera que muchos de estos regímenes son antidemocráticos y, por lo tanto, niegan la posibilidad de que estos regímenes puedan trabajar de manera significativa y efectiva hacia objetivos globales importantes. Al participar en un enfoque posdemocrático, este documento va más allá de lo que le falta a Marruecos en cuanto a principios y normas democráticas. En cambio, se centra en la acción beneficiosa que está tomando para combatir el cambio climático a nivel nacional y, en última instancia, trabajar con la comunidad internacional para contribuir a objetivos climáticos globales. Este documento explora las numerosas iniciativas que el régimen marroquí está emprendiendo a su propio ritmo, a la vez que analiza los actores clave en estas actividades, así como sus impulsos para hacerlo. En última instancia, se presentan datos para llegar a la conclusión de que, aunque el régimen marroquí esté llevando a cabo tales actividades, es en gran parte para consolidar y legitimar su propio poder, tomando medidas importantes que son beneficiosas para su propio pueblo y el resto del mundo. En este sentido, el régimen marroquí autoritario está combatiendo el cambio climático como un medio para mantener y reforzar su propio control sobre el poder en la región.
Quantum approaches to International Relations (IR) offer theoretically rich explanatory frameworks attuned to the complexity and uncertainty of the social world. Recognizing that the payoff of quantum approaches to IR may be clarified through their application to empirical cases, we approach the radically complex and uncertain case of climate change's impacts on Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Namibia from a quantum perspective. Established to protect the vibrant flora and fauna of Namibia while also promoting community and economic development aims, CBNRM conservancies face complex challenges from climate change. Inspired by Karen O'Brien's call for 'quantum social change' in our response to climate change, we draw on the quantum social theory to unpack how desertification, extreme weather patterns, and drought conditions radically reshape the possibilities available to conservancies, communities, farmers, and the state itself. By conceptualizing futures as wavefunctions encompassing the spectrum of potential future states, we demonstrate how a quantum imaginary can help to develop novel explanatory frameworks for the complexity of the world around us.
AbstractThis research note addresses the ongoing debate over the existence of a "Canadian" International Relations (IR) by interrogating the university setting, the professoriate and important institutions of IR in the Canadian context. We not only contribute an update to the data but also enrol a larger number of Canadian universities and a wider sample of journals and conferences. Our analysis is structured around three existing groupings of institutions: the three most "Americanized" departments (the BMT)—University of British Columbia, McGill University and University of Toronto; the four most "critical" departments (the Four Nodes)—McMaster University, University of Ottawa, University of Victoria and York University; and the four largest French-language institutions (the FLIs)—Université de Montréal, Université du Québec à Montréal, Université Laval and Université de Sherbrooke. The characteristic openness often taken to define IR in Canada is more often found at the Four Nodes, the FLIs or unclassified schools than at the BMT schools, which are not only more Americanized in training but also isolated from other Canadian institutions.
To be prepared to face the "publish-or-perish" reality of contemporary academia, early career scholars must develop capacity and confidence. While the publication practices of International Relations have received increasing attention in the last 20 years, concern remains around the preparedness of graduate students to participate confidently and competently in the publication process. As three former Editors-in-Chief of a graduate student journal, we suggest that student-run journals can play an important role in professionalization during graduate school. We then reflect on our journal's context as well as on reforms initiated to improve the policies and practices during our editorial tenure. Bringing our experiences to bear on previous findings in the literature, we outline three key lessons that can help support successful journals at other institutions. First, given the high turnover rate, starting early is key to maintain early enthusiasm and flatten intensity spikes. Second, editors must remain mindful of what we call the 'workload paradox'—or how the comparatively low workload of some graduate journals can make it harder to manage an editorial team. Finally, we argue that graduate student journals should be understood as places of learning and primarily valued as professionalization and pedagogical spaces.
