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Although journalism has long been considered a profession of lone wolves, its present and future is shaped by collaborative practices of various kinds. The investigation of the Panama Papers by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and its more than 100 media partners worldwide is an impressive example of collaborative journalism across media, language and national borders. This article focuses on the impact of such cross-border journalism projects on the transnationalization of public communication in digital media environments. It addresses the question of what kind of 'networked public sphere' was created by the revelations of the Panama Papers, exemplified by the communication structures that evolved on the networking platform Twitter. Digital media such as Twitter have the potential to constitute more grounded public spheres than traditional media and to foster interconnections between different publics across national and language barriers. We trace whether or not the transnational collaborative Panama Papers investigation paved the way for a networked public sphere characterized by (1) transnational attention to the issue and (2) transnational interconnections through Twitter users interacting across country and language boundaries and thereby contributing to global public communication.

Am Beispiel des transnationalen europäischen Konfliktes um die sog. "Griechenland- und Euro-Krise" arbeitet die Studie die Rolle von Medien und Journalisten bei der Herstellung Europäischer Öffentlichkeit und den hierauf bezogenen "nationalen Widerständen" heraus. Dazu wird mit dem Modell "nationalen Indexings" der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung der Medien ein theoretisches Konzept in die Forschung zur Europäischen Öffentlichkeit eingeführt und empirisch getestet, das den medialen Konstruktionsbedingungen dieser Öffentlichkeit gerecht wird.Auf der Basis aufwändiger qualitativer und quantitativer Inhaltsanalysen politischer Primärquellen und der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung deutscher und spanischer Tageszeitungen wird nicht nur untersucht, ob, in welchem Maß und in welchen Formen die mediale Verarbeitung der öffentlichen Debatten um die Krisenphänomene in Deutschland und Spanien durch nationale Orientierungen geprägt ist. Es wird zudem die Frage beantwortet, inwiefern und unter welchen Bedingungen sich nationale Orientierungen in den Medien durch Mechanismen nationalen Indexings erklären lassen

In einer Sekundäranalyse von Studien zur europäischen Öffentlichkeit verbunden mit einer Inhaltsanalyse von drei deutscher Qualitätszeitungen zur Thematik der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie der EU untersucht die Autorin die Rolle zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure im europäischen Mediendiskurs vor dem Hintergrund der Debatte um die demokratische Legitimität der EU und ihrer Akzeptanz in der europäischen Bevölkerung. Im Einzelnen untersucht die Verfasserin (1) die Thematisierung von zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, (2) die Resonanz zivilgesellschaftlicher Positionen in der Öffentlichkeit und (3) inwieweit europäische Öffentlichkeit durch eine Perspektive, die von zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren stammt, gestärkt wird. Die Befunde zeigen, zum einen, dass europäische Debatten starker durch die Akteure der politischen Zentren geprägt sind als nationale Debatten und zum anderen, dass allzu optimistische Aussagen über den Beitrag zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure zu mehr öffentlicher Transparenz relativiert werden müssen. (ICC2)

Am Beispiel des transnationalen europäischen Konfliktes um die sog. "Griechenland- und Euro-Krise" arbeitet die Studie die Rolle von Medien und Journalisten bei der Herstellung Europäischer Öffentlichkeit und den hierauf bezogenen "nationalen Widerständen" heraus. Dazu wird mit dem Modell "nationalen Indexings" der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung der Medien ein theoretisches Konzept in die Forschung zur Europäischen Öffentlichkeit eingeführt und empirisch getestet, das den medialen Konstruktionsbedingungen dieser Öffentlichkeit gerecht wird.Auf der Basis aufwändiger qualitativer und quantitativer Inhaltsanalysen politischer Primärquellen und der Berichterstattung und Kommentierung deutscher und spanischer Tageszeitungen wird nicht nur untersucht, ob, in welchem Maß und in welchen Formen die mediale Verarbeitung der öffentlichen Debatten um die Krisenphänomene in Deutschland und Spanien durch nationale Orientierungen geprägt ist. Es wird zudem die Frage beantwortet, inwiefern und unter welchen Bedingungen sich nationale Orientierungen in den Medien durch Mechanismen nationalen Indexings erklären lassen

To better understand the communication of anti‐elitism in contemporary politics, this study conceptually differentiates between specific anti‐elitism geared toward specific, materially powerful elites ('Angela Merkel') and general anti‐elitism referencing broader discursive constructs ('the elite'). The study analyses the online communications of radical right parties in the 2019 European Parliament elections from six countries (Germany, France, Italy, Austria, Poland and Sweden). This more fine‐grained analysis of anti‐elitism highlights some areas of transnational convergence, such as a tendency to focus on specific political elites, rather than other sectors such as the media or discursive constructs. The findings also reveal stratification according to parties' position in national power structures: opposition parties tend to target national‐level elites while governing parties focus on the European level. The findings highlight that anti‐elitism is used in a highly instrumental way, and help us to better understand the intersection between anti‐elitism and the multilevel politics of EP elections.

Social media are important for right-wing parties to communicate with and mobilize potential voters in election campaigns. Our study focuses on the Facebook campaigns of right-wing parties in six European countries and aims to understand which issues were transnationally shared and which ones emphasize national perspectives on the agenda of the populist actors. We ask what context conditions on the party- and country-level determine the individual issue agendas. Using structural topic modelling, we analyze the communication of the Austrian FPÖ, the German AfD, the French RN, the Italian Lega, the Polish PiS, and the Swedish SD during the 2019 EP election campaign. To explain their issue agendas, we run logistic regression models testing the influence of country-specific and party-specific factors. Our analyses establish that while right-wing parties across Europe are similar in pushing a few populist issues like blaming elites and immigration, they still engage in campaigning on national politics.

In this study, we investigate to what degree radical right parties use social media for pushing a common issue agenda to mobilise voters on a pan-European scale. Using the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election as a case, we analysed radical right parties' campaign agendas in Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Poland and Sweden and identified the transnationally shared issue repertoire in their Facebook communication. Based on the structural topic modelling we used for analysis, our results reveal a set of shared issues – immigration and blaming elites –which are typical of the populist core of those parties. Moreover, all parties use social media to draw attention to the election itself. While radical right parties mobilise their voters based on a transnationally recurring set of shared issues, national political opportunity structures account for party-specific topics and national adaptations of shared issues in their campaigns on Facebook.

The recent rise of a more transnationally networked political right across Europe and the United States has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital news infrastructure through which information circulates and shared epistemologies are established. This paper examines the extent to which digital news sites on the right are interconnected within and across countries. It further explores which additional sites serve as transnationally shared reference points of such news ecology on a transnational scale. To do so, we investigate hyperlink networks between alternative right-wing online news sites (RNS) in six western democracies (Austria, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Sweden). Our analysis draws on hyperlink data harvested from 65 RNS for three months in 2018. The results show that RNS do establish interlinked alternative right-wing news ecologies, as they connect to likeminded RNS within and across borders. Furthermore, we see substantial variation across countries, where RNS from countries with less established alternative right-wing news infrastructure are more likely to link transnationally to RNS. The United States represents an outlier in that it features the largest and domestically most integrated network of RNS, while U.S. sites function as hubs for transnational connections from European RNS. Apart from connections between RNS, we find that legacy news media are crucial transnationally shared reference points. We conclude that rather than presenting an insulated, alternative sphere, the emerging digital news ecology on the right seeks to link up to the broader information environment across borders. ; The recent rise of a more transnationally networked political right across Europe and the United States has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital news infrastructure through which information circulates and shared epistemologies are established. This paper examines the extent to which digital news sites on the right are interconnected within and across countries. It further explores which additional sites serve as transnationally shared reference points of such news ecology on a transnational scale. To do so, we investigate hyperlink networks between alternative right-wing online news sites (RNS) in six western democracies (Austria, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Sweden). Our analysis draws on hyperlink data harvested from 65 RNS for three months in 2018. The results show that RNS do establish interlinked alternative right-wing news ecologies, as they connect to likeminded RNS within and across borders. Furthermore, we see substantial variation across countries, where RNS from countries with less established alternative right-wing news infrastructure are more likely to link transnationally to RNS. The United States represents an outlier in that it features the largest and domestically most integrated network of RNS, while U.S. sites function as hubs for transnational connections from European RNS. Apart from connections between RNS, we find that legacy news media are crucial transnationally shared reference points. We conclude that rather than presenting an insulated, alternative sphere, the emerging digital news ecology on the right seeks to link up to the broader information environment across borders.

The recent rise of a more transnationally networked political right across Europe and the United States has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital news infrastructure through which information circulates and shared epistemologies are established. This paper examines the extent to which digital news sites on the right are interconnected within and across countries. It further explores which additional sites serve as transnationally shared reference points of such news ecology on a transnational scale. To do so, we investigate hyperlink networks between alternative right-wing online news sites (RNS) in six western democracies (Austria, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Sweden). Our analysis draws on hyperlink data harvested from 65 RNS for three months in 2018. The results show that RNS do establish interlinked alternative right-wing news ecologies, as they connect to likeminded RNS within and across borders. Furthermore, we see substantial variation across countries, where RNS from countries with less established alternative right-wing news infrastructure are more likely to link transnationally to RNS. The United States represents an outlier in that it features the largest and domestically most integrated network of RNS, while U.S. sites function as hubs for transnational connections from European RNS. Apart from connections between RNS, we find that legacy news media are crucial transnationally shared reference points. We conclude that rather than presenting an insulated, alternative sphere, the emerging digital news ecology on the right seeks to link up to the broader information environment across borders.

The recent rise of a more transnationally networked political right across Europe and the United States has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital news infrastructure through which information circulates and shared epistemologies are established. This paper examines the extent to which digital news sites on the right are interconnected within and across countries. It further explores which additional sites serve as transnationally shared reference points of such news ecology on a transnational scale. To do so, we investigate hyperlink networks between alternative right-wing online news sites (RNS) in six western democracies (Austria, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Sweden). Our analysis draws on hyperlink data harvested from 65 RNS for three months in 2018. The results show that RNS do establish interlinked alternative right-wing news ecologies, as they connect to likeminded RNS within and across borders. Furthermore, we see substantial variation across countries, where RNS from countries with less established alternative right-wing news infrastructure are more likely to link transnationally to RNS. The United States represents an outlier in that it features the largest and domestically most integrated network of RNS, while U.S. sites function as hubs for transnational connections from European RNS. Apart from connections between RNS, we find that legacy news media are crucial transnationally shared reference points. We conclude that rather than presenting an insulated, alternative sphere, the emerging digital news ecology on the right seeks to link up to the broader information environment across borders.

Right‐wing online news media have emerged in many countries as an important force in the media landscape, positioning themselves as an alternative to a perceived political and media mainstream. This article studies these sites as a cornerstone of right‐wing digital news infrastructures in six Western democracies (Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Austria, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Drawing on content analyses of websites and social media accounts on Facebook and Twitter as well as on audience metrics, the article analyses content supply and audience demand structures, as well as organizational and thematic characteristics of seventy alternative right‐wing online news sites. We find that a country's media and political context, in particular the representation of right‐wing positions in the political and legacy media sphere, can explain variation in the supply of—and demand for—right‐wing news across countries, but is mitigated by transnational audiences. At the same time, we can account for cross‐national heterogeneity of news sites, ranging from sites with a "normalized" appearance to more radical sites that clearly set themselves apart from legacy news outlets in terms of their thematic categories, their funding strategy, and their organizational transparency, leading to various types of digital right‐wing "alternatives" to mainstream news.

Right‐wing online news media have emerged in many countries as an important force in the media landscape, positioning themselves as an alternative to a perceived political and media mainstream. This article studies these sites as a cornerstone of right‐wing digital news infrastructures in six Western democracies (Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Austria, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Drawing on content analyses of websites and social media accounts on Facebook and Twitter as well as on audience metrics, the article analyses content supply and audience demand structures, as well as organizational and thematic characteristics of seventy alternative right‐wing online news sites. We find that a country's media and political context, in particular the representation of right‐wing positions in the political and legacy media sphere, can explain variation in the supply of—and demand for—right‐wing news across countries, but is mitigated by transnational audiences. At the same time, we can account for cross‐national heterogeneity of news sites, ranging from sites with a "normalized" appearance to more radical sites that clearly set themselves apart from legacy news outlets in terms of their thematic categories, their funding strategy, and their organizational transparency, leading to various types of digital right‐wing "alternatives" to mainstream news.