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What is the relationship between intelligence and sex? In recent decades, studies of the controversial histories of both intelligence testing and of human sexuality in the United States have been increasingly common-and hotly debated. But rarely have the intersections of these histories been examined. In Gentlemen's Disagreement, Peter Hegarty enters this historical debate by recalling the debate between Lewis Terman-the intellect who championed the testing of intelligence- and pioneering sex researcher Alfred Kinsey, and shows how intelligence and sexuality have interacted.

This commentary on The Fewer The Merrier (TFTM) adopts a lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) lens. Although LGB people commonly construct successful consensual nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships, the focus on opposite-sex relationships obscured some aspects of U.S. society that are actively resisting the stigmatization of CNM relationships. I call attention to the historic ways that 'adultery' has been legally defined in gendered terms, and argue for an analysis of social stigma that engages substantively with qualitative research about how CNM is lived among people of diverse sexualities. Adapted from the source document.

This commentary on The Fewer The Merrier (TFTM) adopts a lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) lens. Although LGB people commonly construct successful consensual nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships, the focus on opposite‐sex relationships obscured some aspects of U.S. society that are actively resisting the stigmatization of CNM relationships. I call attention to the historic ways that "adultery" has been legally defined in gendered terms, and argue for an analysis of social stigma that engages substantively with qualitative research about how CNM is lived among people of diverse sexualities.

Sexual prejudice has been constructed as prejudice against a minority group, defined by lesbian/gay identity, rather than reactions to expressions of minority sexual identities, including sexual practice. In the 1970s psychologists influenced by liberationist thinking theorised heterosexual desire and practice as evidence of 'homophobia.' The rise of the stigmatised identity model in lesbian and gay psychology shifted theorising about heterosexuals' prejudice away from sexual practice. However, since the start of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, gay and bisexual men's sexual practices have been theorised as evidence of 'internalised homophobia.' Thus, some sex between men can now evidence psychological 'homophobia' while straight sex can not. This inequality may support current forms of heterosexism. Support for sexual orientation based equality has grown in recent decades, but permissive attitudes towards lesbian/gay sex have not. Contemporary heterosexist prejudice involves both support for equality and lingering abjection of same-sex practices. As heterosexuality remains the preferred form of sexuality to be expressed in public, prejudice researchers should consider sexual prejudice as an ideology that targets the expression of sexual identity – including sexual practice – rather than the possession of that sexual identity per se. Current psychological models of 'internalised homophobia' may support rather than critique that ideology.

AbstractThis paper examines Helen Swick Perry's (1982) biography of the psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan. Sullivan's life and works are briefly reviewed. In contrast to other gayaffirmative writing on Sullivan, my reading attends to Perry's citations of Irish-American identity and Catholic upbringing in her presentation of both Sullivan and his aunt Margaret Stack as lonely loveless Irish heterosexuals, a presentation which obscures these gay and lesbian lives. I conclude with an anti-essentialist argument drawn from Sullivan's own writings to avoid essentialist readings of the relationship between his life's events and the meanings of his works.

AbstractEvelyn Hooker's Rorschach experiments are frequently remembered as an early use of the scientific method to gay affirmative ends in psychology. Hooker determined that the Rorschach responses of gay and heterosexual men were indistinguishable and hence that the two groups were equivalently 'well-adjusted' in psychological terms. Yet Hooker's conclusions were contingent upon particular methods of significance testing. Hooker's rationale for the use of unmatched significance tests (which led her to conclude the two groups were similar) shows how her work was embedded within a context where psychological differences between lesbian/gay and heterosexual persons were almost universally taken as evidence of lesbian/gay persons' psychopathology. Hooker's discussions of differences among gay men shows some problematic elements of 'liberal humanist' thinking. Hooker's work ought to be favourably remembered more for the challenges that it presented to practices of diagnosing and detecting gay men than for the particular psychological theory of male homosexuality that she voiced.

Simon LeVay's research on neuroscience and sexuality has been reiterated in popular media, scientific communities and legal debates. A close reading of this work, drawing on performativity theory (Butler, 1990, 1993), reveals that this popular success is the result of citing and reiterating a number of heterosexist, sexist and culturally imperialist norms. LeVay's work excludes women and ethnic minorities and denies the political, cultural and historical nature of sexuality. Performativity theory suggests the limits of empiricism for feminists, and the importance of postmodern readings of the subject of psychology and neuroscience.

Gender difference graphs and tables typically present data representing males first, ahead of data representing females. The Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association in 2010 advised authors against this "bias" when reporting gender differences. An experiment examined how this preference is related to embodied cognition, and two content analytic studies examined its persistence despite the American Psychological Association's (APA) advice against it. In Study 1, 256 students drew bar graphs of gender differences and power differences. Participants spontaneously arrayed men first and higher power groups first most often, even when graph axes were placed to cue the opposite order. These results suggest that males-first order preferences follow from embodied biases to position agentic groups left and higher up in graphs and tables. Two content analyses systematically sampled psychology articles in four journals over a decade (Study 2) or 70 journals in a recent year (Study 3) to examine the impact of the APA manual's advice on authors. The males-first preference remains prevalent in psychology publications, has reversed in Psychology of Women Quarterly (Study 2), and became polarized by author gender in social psychology (Study 3). These findings suggest that embodied cognition affects the visual representation of gender differences in psychology and is variably moderated by recent injunctions.