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AbstractIn 2015, German Chancellor Angela Merkel decided to allow over a million asylum seekers to cross the border into Germany. One key concern was that her decision would signal an open‐door policy to aspiring migrants worldwide – thus further increasing migration to Germany and making the country permanently more attractive to irregular and humanitarian migrants. This 'pull‐effect' hypothesis has been a mainstay of policy discussions ever since. With the continued global rise in forced displacement, not appearing welcoming to migrants has become a guiding principle for the asylum policy of many large receiving countries. In this article, we exploit the unique case study that Merkel's 2015 decision provides for answering the fundamental question of whether welcoming migration policies have sustained effects on migration towards destination countries. We analyze an extensive range of data on migration inflows, migration aspirations and online search interest between 2000 and 2020. The results reject the 'pull effect' hypothesis while reaffirming states' capacity to adapt to changing contexts and regulate migration.

In den Wahlprogrammen der Parteien für die Bundestagswahl 2021 finden sich sehr unterschiedliche Migrationsbilder. Einige Programme sind stärker auf Verhinderung, andere eher auf die sich bietenden Chancen fokussiert. Die Autoren stellen fest, dass alle Parteien das Thema Flucht und Asyl in ihren Programmen überbetonen, obwohl dies nur etwa ein Drittel der Migration der letzten Jahre ausmacht. Trotz unterschiedlicher Positionen gibt es in einigen Kernthemen wie Integration und einer europäischen Lösung mit Flucht/Asyl Einigkeit zwischen einzelnen Parteien, die sich in anderen Politikbereichen deutlich unterscheiden. In vielen Bereichen sind die Wahlprogramme unspezifisch und bieten kaum konkrete Vorschläge, was Koalitionsverhandlungen erleichtern wird. Angesichts der rapiden Alterung der Gesellschaft und des sich weiter verschärfenden Fachkräftemangels sehen die Autoren eine chancenorientierte Einwanderungspolitik als dringend notwendig an.

Sub-Saharan Africa is becoming an increasingly important destination for international migration. The region hosts immigrants from other African countries and from other parts of the world, such as China. Given high poverty levels and weak social security systems in Sub-Saharan Africa, host populations might fear increasing competition for resources and labor, potentially resulting in negative attitudes towards immigrants. We provide the first systematic study of attitudes towards immigrants in Sub-Saharan African countries that uses a causal framework. Using a survey experiment in Uganda and Senegal, we study both attitudes towards immigrants in general and towards specific immigrant groups. In particular, we focus on Chinese immigrants, whose increasing presence in Africa is seen by many as the most important contemporary geopolitical shift involving the continent. We find that attitudes towards immigrants are mainly driven by sociotropic cultural and sociotropic economic concerns. Furthermore, immigrants from China are perceived less positively and economically more threatening than immigrants in general.

The protection of asylum seekers and refugees has become one of the most politically divisive issues in the European Union, yet there has been a lack of research on public preferences for asylum and refugee policies. This article analyzes which policies Europeans prefer and why. We advance a theoretical framework that explains how asylum and refugee policies that use limits and conditions enable individuals to resolve conflicting humanitarian and perceived national interest logics. Using an original conjoint experiment in eight countries, we demonstrate that Europeans prefer policies that provide refugee protection but also impose control through limits or conditions. In contrast to the divisive political debates between European Union member states, we find consistent public preferences across European countries.

The protection of asylum seekers and refugees has become one of the most politically divisive issues in the European Union, yet there has been a lack of research on public preferences for asylum and refugee policies. This article analyzes which policies Europeans prefer and why. We advance a theoretical framework that explains how asylum and refugee policies that use limits and conditions enable individuals to resolve conflicting humanitarian and perceived national interest logics. Using an original conjoint experiment in eight countries, we demonstrate that Europeans prefer policies that provide refugee protection but also impose control through limits or conditions. In contrast to the divisive political debates between European Union member states, we find consistent public preferences across European countries.

First published: 23 April 2021 ; The protection of asylum seekers and refugees has become one of the most politically divisive issues in the European Union, yet there has been a lack of research on public preferences for asylum and refugee policies. This article analyzes which policies Europeans prefer and why. We advance a theoretical framework that explains how asylum and refugee policies that use limits and conditions enable individuals to resolve conflicting humanitarian and perceived national interest logics. Using an original conjoint experiment in eight countries, we demonstrate that Europeans prefer policies that provide refugee protection but also impose control through limits or conditions. In contrast to the divisive political debates between European Union member states, we find consistent public preferences across European countries. ; With the support of the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union. The research for this paper is part of the Mercator Dialogue on Asylum and Migration (MEDAM), an international research and policy initiative funded by Stiftung Mercator. ; The article is a published version of EUI RSCASWP; 2019/73

What preferences do people have for cross-country cooperation on irregular migration and refugee protection? Existing research improves our understanding of how voters react to large-scale inflows of asylum seekers, like those experienced by European countries in 2015–2016, and the type of asylum seekers and policies preferred by European citizens. We know less, however, about people's views concerning a particular European Union (EU) response to the so-called 'refugee crisis', namely the cooperation with Turkey in March 2016 to stem inflows of asylum seekers and other migrants. To study such views, we build on several strands of the international relations literature exploring key determinants of public preferences for international cooperation on cross-national issues, namely (a) sociotropic concerns, (b) humanitarian considerations, and (c) perceptions of fairness and reciprocity. Our research design leverages conjoint experiments conducted simultaneously in Germany, Greece and Turkey. We find that the three factors indeed play a role in explaining preferences in the three countries. Moreover, while respondents are favourable to several core features of the current EU–Turkey migration deal (regarding the return of irregular migrants, financial aid to refugees, and border controls), we also find evidence of public support for increased cooperation on resettlement and EU support to Greece to deal with migration, which goes beyond the status quo. In certain aspects of cooperation, public preferences seem to respond to interactions between policy dimensions that capture reciprocity. These findings have important implications for research on public preferences for asylum and migration policies and public support for international cooperation more generally.

AbstractWhat preferences do people have for cross‐country cooperation on irregular migration and refugee protection? Existing research improves our understanding of how voters react to large‐scale inflows of asylum seekers, like those experienced by European countries in 2015–2016, and the type of asylum seekers and policies preferred by European citizens. We know less, however, about people's views concerning a particular European Union (EU) response to the so‐called 'refugee crisis', namely the cooperation with Turkey in March 2016 to stem inflows of asylum seekers and other migrants. To study such views, we build on several strands of the international relations literature exploring key determinants of public preferences for international cooperation on cross‐national issues, namely (a) sociotropic concerns, (b) humanitarian considerations, and (c) perceptions of fairness and reciprocity. Our research design leverages conjoint experiments conducted simultaneously in Germany, Greece and Turkey. We find that the three factors indeed play a role in explaining preferences in the three countries. Moreover, while respondents are favourable to several core features of the current EU–Turkey migration deal (regarding the return of irregular migrants, financial aid to refugees, and border controls), we also find evidence of public support for increased cooperation on resettlement and EU support to Greece to deal with migration, which goes beyond the status quo. In certain aspects of cooperation, public preferences seem to respond to interactions between policy dimensions that capture reciprocity. These findings have important implications for research on public preferences for asylum and migration policies and public support for international cooperation more generally.

Published 21 May 2021 ; What preferences do people have for cooperation between high and lower-income countries on irregular migration and refugee protection? Despite the increase in the number and breadth of cross-country cooperation agreements in this policy area, we know little about people's preferences for such policies. This paper addresses this question in the context of the EU-Turkey 'migration deal' agreed in 2016. We conduct cross-country conjoint experiments in Germany, Greece, and Turkey to shed light on the types of policies that generate public support for cross-country cooperation on irregular migration and refugee protection. Our respondents are favorable to several core features of the current EU-Turkey migration deal regarding the return of irregular migrants, financial aid to refugees in Turkey, and the intensity of Turkish border controls. We also find evidence of public support for cooperation on resettlement and EU support to Greece to deal with migration. In certain aspects of cooperation, public preferences seem to respond to interactions between policy dimensions. For example, German public support for relocating refugees from Greece is enhanced if there are stepped-up border controls in Turkey. These findings have important implications for research on public attitudes to asylum and migration policies, 'migration diplomacy' in international relations, and public backlash against international cooperation more generally. ; With the support of the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union. The research for this paper is part of the Mercator Dialogue on Asylum and Migration (MEDAM), an international research and policy initiative funded by Stiftung Mercator.

Eine höhere Nettozuwanderung nach Deutschland könnte ein Schlüssel zur Abmilderung der Alterung der Erwerbsbevölkerung werden. Doch welche Migrationspotenziale existieren weltweit und wie groß wird die resultierende Zuwanderung voraussichtlich sein? Deutschland ist eines der präferierten Zielländer weltweit, besonders in Europa, dem Mittleren Osten und Nordafrika. Zugleich sind englischsprachige Zielländer erheblich attraktiver. Insgesamt würden knapp 50 Millionen Menschen im erwerbsfähigen Alter gerne nach Deutschland migrieren, wenn sie die Chance dazu hätten. Pro Jahr migrieren jedoch nur etwa drei Prozent dieser Personen tatsächlich nach Deutschland, sodass eine weitaus geringere Bruttozuwanderung resultiert. Außerdem bleibt nur ein Teil dieser Migranten langfristig in Deutschland, sodass die Nettozuwanderung pro Jahr trotz des großen Migrationspotenzials nur einige hunderttausend beträgt. Die starke Alterung der Bevölkerung wird so nur in geringem Maße wettgemacht. Durch aktive Gestaltung der Zuwanderungspolitik und eine Verbesserung der Integrationsbedingungen ließe sich, gegeben des großen Migrationspotenzials im Ausland, der in Teilen der Wirtschaft bestehende Fachkräftemangel weitaus stärker abmildern als es bisher der Fall ist. Um diese Zusammenhänge besser zu verstehen untersuchen die Autoren in diesem Beitrag Deutschlands Attraktivität als Zielland, die Einflussfaktoren auf die Migrationsentscheidung und die Entscheidung langfristig in Deutschland zu bleiben sowie die daraus resultierenden Zuwanderungs- und Abwanderungszahlen. Die Autoren berechnen außerdem den Einfluss des Bevölkerungswachstums in Herkunftsländern und führen Szenarienanalysen durch, um die zu erwartenden Wanderungssalden in verschiedenen wirtschaftlichen Erholungsszenarien bis 2030 zu beleuchten.

Eine höhere Nettozuwanderung nach Deutschland könnte ein Schlüssel zur Abmilderung der Alterung der Erwerbsbevölkerung werden. Doch welche Migrationspotenziale existieren weltweit und wie groß wird die resultierende Zuwanderung voraussichtlich sein? Deutschland ist eines der präferierten Zielländer weltweit, besonders in Europa, dem Mittleren Osten und Nordafrika. Zugleich sind englischsprachige Zielländer erheblich attraktiver. Insgesamt würden knapp 50 Millionen Menschen im erwerbsfähigen Alter gerne nach Deutschland migrieren, wenn sie die Chance dazu hätten. Pro Jahr migrieren jedoch nur etwa drei Prozent dieser Personen tatsächlich nach Deutschland, sodass eine weitaus geringere Bruttozuwanderung resultiert. Außerdem bleibt nur ein Teil dieser Migranten langfristig in Deutschland, sodass die Nettozuwanderung pro Jahr trotz des großen Migrationspotenzials nur einige hunderttausend beträgt. Die starke Alterung der Bevölkerung wird so nur in geringem Maße wettgemacht. Durch aktive Gestaltung der Zuwanderungspolitik und eine Verbesserung der Integrationsbedingungen ließe sich, gegeben des großen Migrationspotenzials im Ausland, der in Teilen der Wirtschaft bestehende Fachkräftemangel weitaus stärker abmildern als es bisher der Fall ist. Um diese Zusammenhänge besser zu verstehen untersuchen die Autoren in diesem Beitrag Deutschlands Attraktivität als Zielland, die Einflussfaktoren auf die Migrationsentscheidung und die Entscheidung langfristig in Deutschland zu bleiben sowie die daraus resultierenden Zuwanderungs- und Abwanderungszahlen. Die Autoren berechnen außerdem den Einfluss des Bevölkerungswachstums in Herkunftsländern und führen Szenarienanalysen durch, um die zu erwartenden Wanderungssalden in verschiedenen wirtschaftlichen Erholungsszenarien bis 2030 zu beleuchten. ; Higher net immigration to Germany might be key to cushioning the working-age population's aging. Yet, what migration potential exists around the world, and how large will the resulting net immigration be? Germany is one of the most preferred destinations worldwide, particularly in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa, but it is trailing anglophone destination countries. Overall, almost 50 million working-age people in Germany would prefer migrating to Germany if they had the opportunity. However, only about three percent of these potential migrants actually move to Germany in a given year, resulting in far lower annual immigration. Furthermore, many immigrants do not stay permanently. Despite the large migration potential, annual net immigration flows therefore only number in the hundreds of thousands. Given its attractiveness as a destination, by actively changing immigration policy and improving integration conditions, Germany could use immigration to overcome labor shortages to a much larger extent. In this report, the authors study Germany's attractiveness as a destination for migration, the determinants of migration decisions, the decision to stay in Germany, and the resulting migration flows. Also, the authors study the role of population growth in origin countries and conduct several scenario analyses to assess the likely response of future aggregate migration flows to different economic recovery paths in Germany and origin countries until 2030.