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Indonesia is engaging in the UN-backed Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation scheme (REDD+) to reduce its land-use-based greenhouse gas emissions. This paper begins with the assumption that REDD+ and general trends towards privatization of nature and conservation are impacting the ability of local communities to access land. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Jambi in 2012, I explore land access patterns in the context of Indonesia's emerging REDD governance framework. Initial findings show that, despite recent REDD-related forest governance reforms, land tenure issues remain unresolved. The results of fieldwork in the Harapan Rainforest area show that the reality on the ground is still characterized by overlapping and competing land claims backed by different authorities.

It was at the climate change conference in Bali in 2007 (COP 13) that developing countries first agreed to initiate "nationally appropriate mitigation actions" (NAMA) in accordance with their respective capacities. At COP 15, in Copenhagen, developing countries submitted emissionreduction targets. Emerging economies, led by Indonesia and Brazil, committed to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions significantly below business as usual (BAU) by 2020. Mexico and the Dominican Republic have also recently passed climate laws. Indonesia ranks third after China and the United States in emitting greenhouse gases. This is mainly due to emissions from deforestation and peatland conversion. Since COP 13 Indonesia has sought to showcase itself as an active global leader in climate diplomacy. Despite quite low per capita emissions of around 2 tonnes of CO2 equivalents per year, the country announced plans to reduce its emissions up to 41 per cent below BAU by 2020. For achieving this target, Indonesia developed a detailed greenhouse gas reduction plan. Most of the emission reductions are planned to be achieved in the forestry and agriculture sectors. Anyhow, fossil fuel-based emissions from the transport and energy sectors are growing and might surpass land-based emissions after 2020. Indonesia's emission-reduction strategy is a good starting point for a transformation towards a low-carbon economy, especially in the land-use-related sectors. Planned activities such as the regional incentive scheme to promote climate-friendly activities and the domestic carbon market will go far beyond those implemented in many developed countries. However, the success of Indonesia's mitigation polices depends mainly on the ability to mobilise political capacities to overcome existing^barriers, which may hinder the transformation from a resource- and emission-intensive development path towards a more sustainable and long-term-orientated development path. Important steps to solve key challenges that would confirm the climate leadership claims of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono presidency are: a climate law adopted by The People's Representative Council (Parliament) would augment the domestic legitimacy and international credibility of Indonesia's mitigation efforts; a coherent BAU scenario that is third-party verified minimises the risk of virtual emission reductions (socalled hot air); incentives for local stakeholders are crucial for encouraging mitigation activities on the local level; the extension of the forest moratorium could contribute heavily to Indonesia's reduction targets.

Auf der Vertragsstaatenkonferenz der Klimarahmenkonvention auf Bali im Jahr 2007 (COP 13) vereinbarten Entwicklungsländer zum ersten Mal nationale Minderungsmaßnahmen (Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions, NAMAs). Auf der COP 15 in Kopenhagen legten Schwellenländer erstmals Emissionsminderungsziele vor. Allen voran verpflichteten sich Indonesien und Brasilien ihre Emissionen bis 2020 weit unter das sogenannte "business as usual"-Niveau (BAU) zu senken. Indonesien ist nach China und den USA der drittgrößte Treibhausgasemittent. Grund sind vor allem Emissionen aus der Abholzung von Wäldern und der Trockenlegung von Torfmooren. Seit der COP 13 ist Indonesien bestrebt, sich als aktiver klimapolitischer Akteur zu profilieren. Trotz relativ niedriger Pro-Kopf-Emissionen von etwa zwei Tonnen CO2-Äquivalenzen pro Jahr plant das Land, seine Emissionen bis 2020 um bis zu 41 Prozent unter BAU zu senken. Der größte Teil der Emissionsminderung soll im Forst- und Agrarsektor erfolgen. Indonesiens Minderungsstrategie und das kürzlich verlängerte Waldmoratorium können als erste Schritte hin zu einer emissionsarmen Entwicklung angesehen werden. Geplante Maßnahmen wie das ökologische Fiskaltransferprogramm und der geplante Kohlenstoffmarkt übertreffen die Bemühungen einiger Industriestaaten bei weitem. Der Erfolg der indonesischen Minderungspolitik hängt insbesondere davon ab, ob die Gewinner des bisherigen Wachstumsmodells zu klimafreundlicherem Handeln bewogen werden können. Wichtige Schritte hin zu einer erfolgreichen Klimapolitik, die den klimapolitischen Führungsanspruch Indonesiens untermauern würden, sind: – ein vom Parlament verabschiedetes Klimagesetz, durch das die Minderungsanstrengungen Indonesiens im Inland an Legitimität und im Ausland an Glaubwürdigkeit gewinnen, – ein kohärentes, extern verifiziertes BAU-Szenario, das das Risiko virtueller Emissionsminderungen (sogenannte Hot Air) verringert, – Subventionen, die die erfolgreiche Umsetzung von Minderungsmaßnahmen erst ermöglichen.

Indonesia's commitment to reducing land-based greenhouse gas emissions significantly includes the expansion of conservation areas, but these developments are not free of conflicts. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of agrarian conflicts in the context of the implementation of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) and forest carbon offsetting in Indonesia, a country where deforestation is a major issue. The author analyzes new kinds of transnational agrarian conflicts which have strong implications for global environmental justice in the REDD+ pilot province of Jambi on the island of Sumatra. The chapters cover: the rescaling of the governance of forests; privatization of conservation; and the transnational dimensions of agrarian conflicts and peasants' resistance in the context of REDD+. The book builds on an innovative conceptual approach linking political ecology, politics of scale and theories of power. It fills an important knowledge and research gap by focusing on the socially differentiated impacts of REDD+ and new forest carbon offsetting initiatives in Southeast Asia, providing a multi-scalar perspective. It is aimed at scholars in the areas of political ecology, human geography, climate change mitigation, forest and natural resource management, as well as environmental justice and agrarian studies.

The Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) mechanism has been framed as a "win-win"-solution by donors, conservation organizations and corporate actors facilitating simultaneously forest conservation, rural development and cost-effective climate change mitigation. But the expansion of protected areas is seldom a conflict-free process, especially when local communities have to cope with the simultaneous expansion of agro-industrial estates. This dissertation aims to unravel the causes and the scalar dimension of conflictive and unequal access and property relations in the context of an emerging transnational framework for forest conservation to mitigate climate change (REDD+). While empirically focusing on conflictive forest and land tenure in Indonesias REDD+ pilot province Jambi (Sumatra) this dissertation seeks to contribute to the deconstruction of REDD+ as a "win-win" solution. The overarching research question of this dissertation is: How are multi-scalar land conflicts on access and property in REDD+ target areas structured and how can this be explained? Conceptually this study is guided by political ecology and by the interrelated politics of scale literature. For investigating multi-scalar land conflicts on access and property in REDD+ pilot areas this study builds on a multi-sited qualitative approach (multi-sited ethnography). Empirical research has been conducted mainly in villages' located within or adjacent to two REDD+ pilot projects and at transnational nodes of REDD+ and land tenure governance in the province of Jambi (Sumatra), in Jakarta, Germany and elsewhere. The findings show that social conflict has changed scales of meaning and regulation and led to the construction of new scales (e.g. village scales of land tenure regulation). In Indonesia resistance was made possible because of changing power constellations after regime change at the end of the 1990s and has further changed the power constellation in place. Changing power constellations and rescaling facilitated access to the state forest (kawasan hutan) for local elites. The studied conflicts on access and control of forests within REDD+ projects in Jambi indicate that REDD+ has transnationalized and has changed meanings and implications of pre-existing land conflicts. REDD+ links greenhouse gas emitters in the global North to peasants and indigenous groups struggling for land and property in the global South. REDD+ rescales conflicts and provides entry points for a spatial expansion of resistance linking peasants to transnational climate justice groups in North and South. Thus, REDD+ pilot projects in Jambi financed by private and public donors changed the dialectical relationships between structure and agency. They reduced the ability to access land for some actors, provided additional opportunities for others and additional agency for transnational resistance campaigns. The ongoing land conflicts on access and control of forests in Jambi as well as experiences from other countries implementing REDD+ such as Peru indicate that forest carbon offsetting is a very risky strategy to mitigate climate change. Instead of avoiding emissions forest carbon offsetting could lead to additional greenhouse gas emissions if conflictive access and property relations undermine the integrity of forest areas designated for conservation and carbon offsetting.

Die sozialökologische Transformation ist in aller Munde. Dies gilt sowohl für die politischen Debatten wie auch für die Wissenschaft. Dabei wird zunehmend deutlich: Multiple Krisen lassen sich nicht mehr nur mit Hilfe schrittweiser (Umwelt-)Politiken lösen, sondern es sind strukturelle Veränderungen notwendig. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes arbeiten Gerechtigkeitsfragen und die gesellschaftspolitische Brisanz ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte im Kontext der Transformation heraus. Durch ihre Analysen unter Bezugnahme auf unterschiedliche Dimensionen von Umweltgerechtigkeit machen sie diese greifbar und liefern Kontextwissen für eine längst überfällige Diskussion.

Die sozialökologische Transformation ist in aller Munde. Dies gilt sowohl für die politischen Debatten wie auch für die Wissenschaft. Dabei wird zunehmend deutlich: Multiple Krisen lassen sich nicht mehr nur mit Hilfe schrittweiser (Umwelt-)Politiken lösen, sondern es sind strukturelle Veränderungen notwendig. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes arbeiten Gerechtigkeitsfragen und die gesellschaftspolitische Brisanz ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte im Kontext der Transformation heraus. Durch ihre Analysen unter Bezugnahme auf unterschiedliche Dimensionen von Umweltgerechtigkeit machen sie diese greifbar und liefern Kontextwissen für eine längst überfällige Diskussion.