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COVER PAGE -- TITLE PAGE -- COPYRIGHT PAGE -- CONTENTS -- CHAPTER ONE IT CAN HAPPEN HERE -- CHAPTER TWO HIDDEN CHILD -- CHAPTER THREE LEARNING TO SWIM -- CHAPTER FOUR RACE TO SPACE -- CHAPTER FIVE LAND OF PLEASANT LIVING -- CHAPTER SIX IT'S A BOY! -- CHAPTER SEVEN ANCHORS AWEIGH! -- CHAPTER EIGHT BITE OF THE ENTREPRENEURIAL BUG -- CHAPTER NINE READY, FIRE, AIM! -- CHAPTER TEN FOCUS-POCUS -- CHAPTER ELEVEN DECISION TIME -- CHAPTER TWELVE WELCOME TO OUR CONGLOMERATE -- CHAPTER THIRTEEN ENTREPRENEUR ONCE MORE -- CHAPTER FOURTEEN RISE, BETRAYAL, AND FALL -- CHAPTER FIFTEEN SHIFTING GEARS -- CHAPTER SIXTEEN FROM THE REAL WORLD TO ACADEMIA -- CHAPTER SEVENTEEN TIME OF MY LIFE -- CHAPTER EIGHTEEN EGO TRIP -- CHAPTER NINETEEN BAHAMAS ADVENTURE -- CHAPTER TWENTY CROSSING TO THE DARK SIDE -- CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE MASTERS OF THE UNIVERSE -- CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO ON THIN ICE -- CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE GOODBYE, GABRIEL -- CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR "NEVER GIVE UP!" -- CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE STAYING RELEVANT -- CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX ONE MORE TIME! -- CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN DREAMS -- AUTHOR'S NOTES AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- ABOUT THE AUTHOR.

Prior to World War II, the U.S. Army numbered 187,000 soldiers. Its growth to more than 8 million was a significant accomplishment. Little known to most, the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration's youth program, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), provided the pretrained manpower to fill the U.S. Army's ranks upon mobilization with men who readily assumed the role of Non--Commissioned Officers (NCOs). It also gave Organized Reserve Corps officers the opportunity to occupy leadership positions, an experience that would have been unavailable otherwise. By the same token, it allowed the Regular Army to assess the leadership potential of both Regular and Reserve Officers in leading future citizen soldiers. Last, it provided the Army with an opportunity to exercise its mobilization plans. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society/Sage Publications Inc.]

Prior to World War II, the U.S. Army numbered 187,000 soldiers. Its growth to more than 8 million was a significant accomplishment. Little known to most, the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration's youth program, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), provided the pretrained manpower to fill the U.S. Army's ranks upon mobilization with men who readily assumed the role of Non—Commissioned Officers (NCOs). It also gave Organized Reserve Corps officers the opportunity to occupy leadership positions, an experience that would have been unavailable otherwise. By the same token, it allowed the Regular Army to assess the leadership potential of both Regular and Reserve Officers in leading future citizen soldiers. Last, it provided the Army with an opportunity to exercise its mobilization plans.

Migrant deaths in border-zones have become a major social and political issue, especially in the context of the Euro-Mediterranean refugee/migrant crisis. While media, activists, and policy makers often mention precise figures regarding the number of deaths, little is known about the production of statistical data on this topic. This article explores the politics of counting migrant deaths in Europe. This statistical activity was initiated in the 1990s by civil society organizations with the purpose of shedding light on the deadly consequences of "Fortress Europe" and of challenging states' control-oriented political strategies. In 2013, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) started to count migrants' deaths: while this intergovernmental organization seems to follow up on civil society initiatives, it actually works with different political objectives. Rather than criticizing states, IOM aims at conciliating the control of irregular migration with the prevention of deaths. IOM's statistics on border deaths illustrate the humanitarianization of the border, as denunciation of migrants' deaths and life-saving activities become integrated in border management and border control. In producing statistics on border deaths, IOM depoliticizes this data and challenges the critical framework that was central to earlier civil society initiatives. Finally, the article explores ways in which statistics on border deaths are being repoliticized to challenge European states' immigration policies.

Automatic identification system (AIS) is a vessel tracking system, which since 2004 has become a global tool for the detection and analysis of seagoing traffic. In this article, we look at how this technology, initially designed as a collision avoidance system, has recently become involved in debates concerning migration across the Mediterranean Sea. In particular, after having briefly discussed its emergence and characteristics, we examine how through different practices of (re)appropriation AIS, and the data it generate, have been seized upon, both to contest and to sustain the exclusionary nature of borders, and the mass dying of migrants at sea to which it leads. We do so by referring to forms of data activism we have contributed to in the frame of our Forensic Oceanography project as well as to situations in which AIS has been mobilized by xenophobic groups to demand even stronger exclusionary measures. At the same time, we point to the multiplicity of actors who participate in the politics of migration through AIS in unexpected ways. We conclude by highlighting the irreducible ambivalence of practices of appropriation and call for persistent attention to one's own positioning within the global datascape constituted by AIS and other data.

Nous présentons ici les stratégies menées depuis 2011 dans le cadre du projet Forensic Oceanography pour documenter et dénoncer la mort de migrants en mer. Nous exposons d'abord la dimension « esthétique » à l'intérieur de laquelle, et contre laquelle, le projet a voulu se positionner ; nous analysons ensuite la façon dont s'est opéré le passage de la documentation des pratiques spécifiques d'acteurs en mer ayant entraîné des décès (comme le « bateau abandonné à la mort ») à la reconstruction des effets mortels des politiques étatiques (tel l'arrêt de l'opération Mare Nostrum) ; enfin nous montrons en quoi le projet a contribué à la création du Watch The Med Alarm Phone, une ligne téléphonique non gouvernementale d'urgence fonctionnant 24h/24 et permettant d'intervenir directement pour venir en aide aux migrants en détresse. Alors que des agences européennes telles que Frontex mènent une « analyse des risques » centrée sur l'État pour neutraliser la « menace » que représentent les migrants illégaux, Forensic Oceanography a forgé une « analyse contre les risques » centrée sur les migrants, pour contester la violence des frontières et diminuer les risques auxquels les politiques publiques exposent les migrants. Nous montrerons que c'est aussi avec des connaissances et des médiations contradictoires de la frontière que se mène le conflit de la mobilité en Méditerranée.

Si l'unique alternative au régime de fermeture des frontières actuel semble être un régime fondé sur la liberté de se mouvoir des migrants, cet horizon politique rencontre de nombreuses difficultés. Pour tenter de répondre à celles-ci, nous partons des multiples frontières étatiques et sociales dont les migrants font l'expérience à travers leurs trajectoires et indiquons autant de dimensions de luttes nécessaires à une politique de la liberté de mouvement .

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- PART 1: Why Borders Should Be Open -- CHAPTER 1 Sanctuary, Solidarity, Status! -- CHAPTER 2 In Defense of Illegal Immigration -- CHAPTER 3 Toward a Politics of Freedom of Movement -- CHAPTER 4 Dispossessing Citizenship -- CHAPTER 5 Prison Abolitionist Perspectives on No Borders -- CHAPTER 6 Habeas Corpus and the New Abolitionism -- PART 2: The Problem with Borders -- CHAPTER 7 Migration as Reparations -- CHAPTER 8 Médecins Sans Frontières and the Practice of Universalist Humanitarianism -- CHAPTER 9 Border Walls and the Illusion of Deterrence -- CHAPTER 10 Open Internal Borders and Closed External Borders in the EU -- CHAPTER 11 Crumbling Walls and Mass Migration in the Twenty- First Century -- PART 3: Activism for Free Movement -- CHAPTER 12 Asylum Reporting as a Site of Anxiety, Detention, and Solidarity -- CHAPTER 13 Radical Migrant Solidarity in Calais -- CHAPTER 14 Violence, Resistance, and Bozas at the Spanish- Moroccan Border -- CHAPTER 15 Comunicados desde Chicagoiguala -- CHAPTER 16 Sanctuary Cities and Sanctuary Power -- CONCLUSION In Defense of Free Movement -- Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z