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AbstractExisting research suggests that people concerned about corruption use elections to punish corrupt incumbents. I argue that when people grow concerned with corruption, they may turn to exit rather than voice, using emigration to escape corruption. Highly educated citizens in particular, who are most informed about corruption and hold valuable human capital, likely see exit as attractive in the face of persistent corruption. Using a wealth of micro-level data on potential emigration, I show that when people perceive widespread corruption, they are more likely to have taken concrete steps to emigrate. Advanced degree holders are much more likely to have prepared to emigrate in response to corruption. I also show that corruption-concerned potential emigrants choose less corrupt destination countries and are less likely to have faith, and participate, in electoral institutions. My argument and findings hold implications for the corruption literature and generate new questions about the relationship between emigration and accountability.

AbstractNativist political movements are globally ascendant. In advanced democracies, rising anti‐immigrant politics is in part a backlash against economic globalization. In emerging economies, where nativists primarily target internal migrants, there is little investigation of whether trade liberalization fuels antimigrant sentiment, perhaps because trade benefits workers in these contexts. I argue that global economic integration causes nativist backlash in emerging economies even though it does not dislocate workers. I highlight an alternative mechanism: geographic labor mobility. Workers strategically migrate to access geographically uneven global economic opportunity. This liberalization‐induced mobility interacts with native–migrant cleavages to generate nativist backlash. I explore these dynamics in the Indian textile sector, which experienced a positive shock following global trade liberalization in 2005. Using a difference‐in‐differences analysis, I find that exposed localities experienced increased internal migration and nativism, manifesting in antimigrant rioting and nativist party support. Liberalization can fuel nativism even when its economic impacts are positive.

Abstract
Controlling immigration has become a central political goal in advanced democracies. Politicians across the world have experimented with a range of policies such as foreign aid in the hopes that aid will spur development in migrant origin countries and decrease the demand for emigration. We argue that internal policy tools are more effective, in particular, the use of policies that allow temporary migrants short-term access to host country labor markets. These policies provide migrants an opportunity to obtain higher wages, which, in turn, increases remittances back to home countries. This increase in financial flows to households decreases subsequent demand for migration into destination countries. We test this argument using data on migration to the United States and find that an increase in remittances from the United States decreases subsequent demand for entry in that country.
Controlar la inmigración se ha vuelto un objetivo político central de las democracias avanzadas. Los políticos de todo el mundo han experimentado con un abanico de políticas, como la asistencia en el extranjero, con miras a que la ayuda fomente el desarrollo en los países de origen de los migrantes y reduzca la demanda de emigración. Sostenemos que las herramientas de política interna son más efectivas: en particular, el uso de políticas que permiten a los migrantes temporales el acceso a corto plazo a los mercados laborales del país de destino. Estas políticas brindan a los migrantes la oportunidad de obtener salarios más altos, lo que, a su vez, aumenta las remesas a los países de origen. Este aumento del flujo económico hacia los hogares reduce la subsecuente demanda de migración hacia los países de destino. Evaluamos este argumento con información de migraciones a EE. UU. y observamos que el aumento de las remesas desde EE. UU. disminuye la demanda de ingreso al país.
Le contrôle de l'immigration est devenu un objectif politique central dans les démocraties avancées. Des politiciens du monde entier ont expérimenté toute une série de politiques telles que l'aide étrangère dans l'espoir que cette aide stimule le développement des pays d'origine des migrants et réduise la demande d'émigration. Nous soutenons que les outils de politique intérieure sont plus efficaces, en particulier, le recours à des politiques qui dotent les migrants temporaires d'd'un accès à court terme aux marchés du travail du pays d'accueil. Ces politiques donnent l'opportunité aux migrants d'obtenir des salaires plus élevés, ce qui, à son tour, augmente les fonds qu'ils transfèrent vers leurs pays d'origine. Cette augmentation des flux financiers vers leurs foyers dans leurs pays d'origine diminue la demande ultérieure de migration dans les pays de destination. Nous avons mis cet argument à l'épreuve à l'aide de données sur la migration vers les États-Unis et nous avons constaté qu'une augmentation des transferts de fonds en provenance des États-Unis diminuait la demande ultérieure d'entrée dans ce pays.

"Global Migration: Causes and Consequences" published on by Oxford University Press.

A growing body of research argues that external threats from the international system strengthen ethnocentrism and authoritarianism, personal values anchored in national identity. We evaluate a necessary implication of this argument, that these shifting values drive change in broader social behaviors. Our focus is revealed value change in a non-political setting: American consumers' choice of supermarket brands that symbolize national identity. Our empirical analyses leverage US counties' quasi-random exposure to US Iraq War casualties to identify the effects of local casualties on the weekly market share growth of "American" supermarket brands. We analyze weekly supermarket scanner data for a representative sample of over 1,100 US supermarkets and 8,000 brands. During 2003-2006, the weekly market share of American brands grew relative to non-American brands in casualty-exposed supermarkets. Variation in share growth across customer demographics is consistent with reactions to external threat. We rule out alternative mechanisms including partisan cues, other product characteristics, and animosity towards other countries. These findings strengthen IR's theoretical microfoundations by showing that international politics can reshape values enough to change broader social behaviors.